Gotham Gazette Gotham Gazette is an online publication covering New York policy and politics as well as news on public safety, transportation, education, finance and more. http://www.gothamgazette.com/component/tags/tag/david-weprin 2017-10-18T09:17:56+00:00 Webmaster webmaster@gothamgazette.com The New York City Campaign Finance Board and Its Scofflaws 2016-10-06T04:00:00+00:00 2016-10-06T04:00:00+00:00 http://www.gothamgazette.com/?id=6561:the-new-york-city-campaign-finance-board-and-its-scofflaws Ben Max <p dir="ltr"><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/graphics/2016/cfb-website-grab.jpg" alt="cfb website grab" width="600" height="317" />&nbsp;</p> <p>the NYC CFB <a href="http://www.nyccfb.info/" target="_blank">website</a></p> <hr /> <p>On September 15, the city's Campaign Finance Board announced the latest round of fines coming out of the city election cycle that wrapped up nearly three years ago. The board <a href="http://www.nyccfb.info/media/press-releases/2016-09-15-000000/cfb-votes-enforcement-matters-six-campaigns-holds-hearing" target="_blank">penalized</a> candidates from six unsuccessful campaigns -- for City Council, Public Advocate and the Mayor&rsquo;s Office.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board found that Joel Bauza, a candidate for City Council in District 15, owed $350 for failing to file disclosure statements, late filing of disclosures, and for failing to document an in-kind contribution. Sean Henry, who ran for the District 42 City Council seat, was slapped with a $850 fine and also told to repay $23,993 in public matching funds received from the CFB. The board fined Catherine Guerriero, who ran for Public Advocate, $5,539 for seven violations, with the largest penalties for accepting contributions over the legal limit. And former mayoral candidate George McDonald was ordered to pay a whopping $34,350 for accepting over-the-limit contributions.</p> <p dir="ltr">If the past is a guide, most of these former candidates will cut the Campaign Finance Board a check and close the book on the campaign. A handful, however, may carry an IOU for years.</p> <p dir="ltr">According to CFB records, as of August 23, some 77 people owe a combined $2.16 million in fines or required repayment of public financing. Repayment of public funds accounted for $1.59 million of that amount. Given the hundreds of candidates who have participated in the city's pioneering and complex campaign finance system &mdash; which requires broad disclosure, offers generous public matching funds and restricts fundraising and campaign spending &mdash; and the hundreds of millions of dollars that have been raised and spent since that apparatus was launched in 1989, the overdue list is fairly small.</p> <p dir="ltr">The list includes long-shot candidates who haven't been heard from since their bid for public office ended. But Assembly Member David Weprin, State Senator Jesse Hamilton, City Council Member Andrew King, and Deputy Brooklyn Borough President Diana Reyna are on the roster as well.</p> <p dir="ltr">McDonald looks set to join that list. Head of the prominent nonprofit The Doe Fund, he claims his violations were the result of following state campaign finance law, which has more permissible limits for campaign contributions. He screamed at the CFB during its public hearing on his campaign fundraising, claiming he&rsquo;d never pay the amount assessed.</p> <p dir="ltr">That list of 77 CFB debtors includes candidates who owe fines from as far back as the 2001 election cycle, suggesting that the board's enforcement tools could be sharper. At the same time, the presence of prominent names on the roster suggests that, for better or worse, CFB fines and repayments incurred through races gone by may shape future elections.</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">Crafted in response to municipal corruption scandals during the Koch administration and drastic disparities in candidate spending election cycle after cycle, the city's campaign finance law limits the sizes of campaign donations and requires detailed disclosure of where candidates' money comes from and where it goes. It also offers candidates a chance at public financing: If a campaign collects a threshold amount of money from a minimum number of donors, and agrees to a cap on total campaign spending, the board will match with taxpayer money some portion of the contributions the campaign collects from New York City residents.</p> <p dir="ltr">Along with the introduction of term limits in 2001, the public campaign finance system is credited with permitting dozens of political newcomers to mount credible campaigns for elected office in New York City. In the 2013 cycle, the board sent a combined $38.2 million in public funds to 149 campaigns; private donations to city campaigns in that cycle totaled $95 million.</p> <p dir="ltr">The campaign-finance system's twin missions of preventing corruption and using public financing to foster a more equal playing field lend themselves to strict rules about which entities can donate, how much can be accepted by campaigns, how campaign money can be spent, and the manner in which all of it is recorded and submitted to the board. To ensure compliance with those rules, the board regularly monitors campaign accounts, particularly for candidates who choose to participate in the public matching funds program. In September, a candidate from a 2015 City Council special election in Queens was <a href="http://nypost.com/2016/09/06/queens-woman-arrested-for-forging-campaign-donations/?utm_source=NYC+Campaign+Finance+Board+List&amp;utm_campaign=fea6e825ba-CY2016_Press_Statement_Indictment_20160907&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_35d7325629-fea6e825ba-290603253" target="_blank">indicted</a> for reporting fake donations in order to receive public matching funds. She was charged following a routine compliance visit by CFB personnel.</p> <p dir="ltr">"This is an example of how the CFB's rigorous audits help protect the public matching funds that ensure New Yorkers get elections focused on their interests, and not those of deep-pocketed special interests,&rdquo; said Amy Loprest, CFB executive director, in a public statement after the indictment. &ldquo;City taxpayers should be aware that the CFB discovered the alleged fraud and that no public funds were ever paid to this candidate.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">The board also conducts extensive audits of every campaign once the election is over &mdash; a process that can take CFB staff years to complete. After an audit is complete, the board holds a public hearing where candidates may appear with legal representation to explain the circumstances of any possible violations or to dispute a finding by CFB attorneys. After hearing the case, the board votes on how to address the missteps identified during the review.</p> <p dir="ltr">The most common violations it finds are accepting corporate contributions, accepting over-the-limit contributions, making improper post-election expenditures, or filing disclosure statements late.</p> <p dir="ltr">For violations of the rules, the CFB can impose fines ranging from $100 to several thousand dollars per violation. Candidates and treasurers can also be held personally liable for those penalties. In the 2009 campaign, for instance, 89 of 232 campaigns were told to pay penalties. The median penalty amount for that cycle was $3,786.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board can also order a campaign to return public financing that the board deems the campaign did not qualify to use. Of the 140 campaigns that received public funds in 2013, 87 were ordered to repay more than $1.5 million of the $38 million that was dispensed.</p> <p dir="ltr">Campaigns that have money left over can use it to pay fines, but sometimes &mdash; particularly when large repayments of public funds are ordered &mdash; there is nothing left. The availability of public financing means city campaigns are now attracting true political novices &mdash; a healthy thing for democracy, but a complicating factor when it comes to collecting major fines. Some candidates simply don't have the savings or income needed to pay their debts. Others might just decide not to pay, even though they could.</p> <p dir="ltr">In its penalty letter to a candidate, the board typically gives 30 days for fines to be paid. If a candidate fails to pay fines or repay public funds, their name and the unpaid amount are posted to the CFB website. A candidate can choose to negotiate a payment plan with the board, in which case his or her name is not posted.</p> <p dir="ltr">A candidate may also choose to challenge the board&rsquo;s decision in New York State Supreme Court within four months through what is called an Article 78 proceeding. These appeals, which are usually resolved within a year, largely go in favor of the CFB.</p> <p dir="ltr">Conversely, if violators do not pay fines, the board can sue them in civil court and obtain a judgement. In those cases, the board can put a lien on a candidate&rsquo;s property and can garnish their wages. Court records indicate that since 1992 the CFB has sought court judgements against more than two dozen candidates, and often succeeded.</p> <p dir="ltr">Under a 2005 court decision, however, the board has less latitude when it comes to getting public funds repaid. While candidates are liable for fines, campaign committees are responsible for repaying public funds -- and committees often disband or run out of money before those funds can be paid back. The City Council later codified the thrust of the 2005 decision into law, tying the CFB&rsquo;s hands. Pending repayments, not fines, count for a majority of the funds due to the CFB.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board does still have some leverage, however, against candidates who may want to run in a future election: individuals are unable to receive public funds if they have any pending fines or repayments left.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;Candidates who owe penalties or public funds to the CFB are ineligible to receive future payments, which provides an effective incentive for candidates to fulfill their obligations,&rdquo; Loprest said in a statement to Gotham Gazette and City Limits. &ldquo;Information about candidates&rsquo; outstanding obligations is publicly available on our website, so voters can hold candidates accountable for the conduct of their campaigns. Beyond that, the CFB makes every effort to collect the penalties and public funds repayments that candidates owe.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">And to make it known that those IOUs areout there. The overdue amounts are public knowledge. &ldquo;We don&rsquo;t write things off or forgive liabilities,&rdquo; said a CFB spokesperson. &ldquo;That&rsquo;s part of the accountability of the program.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">Sixty-three former candidates currently owe penalties to the board; the largest overdue amount belongs to Felipe Luciano, an East Harlem community activist and journalist who racked up more than $54,000 in violations when he ran for City Council District 8 in 2005. Luciano was also a participant in the public matching funds program and was told to repay nearly $17,000.</p> <p dir="ltr">Also prominent on the list: Miguel Martinez, the one-time Upper Manhattan Council member who went to federal prison over a scandal dealing with stolen city money.</p> <p dir="ltr">When it comes to public funds repayment, Asembly Member Weprin's tab dwarfs all others: $319,700. The next highest is Brooklyn Deputy Borough President Reyna, who owes a repayment of $139,000. Martinez also owes the board substantial public funds repayments. Those three, along with 2001 City Council candidate Garth Marchant, represent the four largest debts to the CFB &mdash; comprising 36 percent of what the board is owed.</p> <p style="text-align: center;">MORE: <a href="http://citylimits.org/2016/10/07/who-owes-money-to-the-citys-campaign-finance-board/" target="_blank">Who Owes Money to the City Campaign Finance Board</a></p> <p dir="ltr">Weprin was assessed a substantial penalty for the conduct of his 2009 campaign for city comptroller. An investment banker by trade who chaired the City Council's Finance Committee during his tenure there, Weprin was assessed $28,000 in penalties for violations like accepting money from unregistered PACs or taking over-the-limit contributions. He paid those penalties. &ldquo;The Assemblyman is committed to a fair election process and the responsible use of CFB funds,&rdquo; wrote a spokesperson for Weprin, Sumeet Sharma, in response to questions.</p> <p dir="ltr">But the public funds repayment of $319,700 is still due. That stems from Weprin&rsquo;s campaign opening a so-called segregated account, which is supposed to be used for expenses that public funds can&rsquo;t be used on, like to make donations to other candidates or to pay debt from a previous election. The CFB concluded that Weprin&rsquo;s 2009 campaign had deposited into that segregated account donations that were matched with public funds. It ordered the campaign to repay the matching funds associated with those donations. But by then, all the campaign&rsquo;s money had been spent.</p> <p dir="ltr">Asked about the board&rsquo;s findings, Weprin spokesperson Sharm told City Limits: &ldquo;In 2010, after the Committee ceased to exist, the CFB made technical revisions to funds that were originally declared as valid contributions, deeming valid contributions as invalid. These repayments were requested one year after the end of the campaign and after the Committee was disbanded,&rdquo; addding that &ldquo;the Assemblyman does not agree with all of the determinations of the CFB as these funds were spent on campaign related expenses.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">The amount owed by the 2009 campaign represents an undeniable obstacle to Weprin seeking municipal office again. In 2015, when David Weprin&rsquo;s brother Mark gave up his City Council seat to take a state post, David Weprin notably did not vy to replace him--perhaps because he would have had to pay off his CFB debt if he wished to tap into public financing for such a campaign.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;The CFB determined that these funds would have to be repaid by the Committee if David Weprin was to seek City Office,&rdquo; Sharma wrote. &ldquo;And althoughAssemblyman Weprin is committed to the overall mission of the CFB and will address any repayments if he does seek an office for the City of New York in the future.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;* &nbsp;* &nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">The fines don&rsquo;t seem to discourage people from seeking public funds to run campaigns. In the 2013 election, 92 percent of candidates on the primary ballot participated in the program, according to CFB data.</p> <p dir="ltr">But some candidates do complain that the CFB&rsquo;s disclosure and documentation requirements are severe and that the auditing process is long and drawn out. As is evident from the latest hearing, even though the CFB has about 50 employees, nearly half the agency, working full-time to audit campaigns, the process can take years.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;I&rsquo;m a little bothered at the fact that three years later I&rsquo;m still being called in,&rdquo; Joel Bauza told Gotham Gazette after making his case to the CFB, &ldquo;the treasurer is still being called in&hellip;to answer questions on stuff that we submitted on time and we gave to them the reasons. I don&rsquo;t see the difference on what was written and what was said today.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">Bauza also chose not to participate in the public matching funds program because of its &ldquo;tedious&rdquo; documentation requirements, a decision he said was made at the advice of State Senator Ruben Diaz Sr. Bauza did praise the CFB for being informative and helpful during the entire process but insisted that there is room to improve. &ldquo;I think there&rsquo;s a lot of little tedious things, a lot of things that they need to look at again,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;What they&rsquo;re going to be questioning...Items that are noticeable where large amounts of contributions are made. Talk about those things, but little things...You&rsquo;re going into the little things that don&rsquo;t really make sense.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">To its credit, the CFB carefully examines systemic issues after each election, proposes reforms to be enacted through legislation, and does routine updates to its rules. In September, the board proposed a number of <a href="http://www.gothamgazette.com/index.php/city/6531-campaign-finance-board-considers-rules-changes-including-controversial-coordination-proposal" target="_blank">rules changes</a> that would, in part, make it easier for candidates to run their campaigns. The board invited feedback that was heard at the September 15 meeting and will now consider that before approving the changes.</p> <p dir="ltr">Sean Henry, who ran in 2013 and did avail of the public financing program, shared some of Bauza&rsquo;s views on the CFB. &ldquo;I think sometimes the compliance requirements are little bit too onerous,&rdquo; he told Gotham Gazette. &ldquo;Campaigns are small. Especially when you start, you don&rsquo;t have a lot of people. I think some of the documentation is not necessary. I think there are easier ways that things can be done.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">He did say, though, that the CFB was &ldquo;efficient&rdquo; and &ldquo;fair&rdquo; to his campaign and in helping his people navigate the public funds program, and that he wasn&rsquo;t entirely deterred from participating again. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s a good way for candidates to get involved in the process,&rdquo; he said.</p> <p style="text-align: center;">NUMBERS: <a href="http://citylimits.org/2016/10/07/who-owes-money-to-the-citys-campaign-finance-board/" target="_blank">Who Owes Money to the City Campaign Finance Board</a>, at City Limits</p> <p>***<br />by Samar Khurshid of Gotham Gazette and Jarrett Murphy of City Limits</p> <p>

***
by Samar Khurshid, City government reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

</p> <p>Note: this story has been corrected to accurately reflect why Miguel Martinez went to jail, it was not related to CFB funds.</p>
<p dir="ltr"><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/graphics/2016/cfb-website-grab.jpg" alt="cfb website grab" width="600" height="317" />&nbsp;</p> <p>the NYC CFB <a href="http://www.nyccfb.info/" target="_blank">website</a></p> <hr /> <p>On September 15, the city's Campaign Finance Board announced the latest round of fines coming out of the city election cycle that wrapped up nearly three years ago. The board <a href="http://www.nyccfb.info/media/press-releases/2016-09-15-000000/cfb-votes-enforcement-matters-six-campaigns-holds-hearing" target="_blank">penalized</a> candidates from six unsuccessful campaigns -- for City Council, Public Advocate and the Mayor&rsquo;s Office.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board found that Joel Bauza, a candidate for City Council in District 15, owed $350 for failing to file disclosure statements, late filing of disclosures, and for failing to document an in-kind contribution. Sean Henry, who ran for the District 42 City Council seat, was slapped with a $850 fine and also told to repay $23,993 in public matching funds received from the CFB. The board fined Catherine Guerriero, who ran for Public Advocate, $5,539 for seven violations, with the largest penalties for accepting contributions over the legal limit. And former mayoral candidate George McDonald was ordered to pay a whopping $34,350 for accepting over-the-limit contributions.</p> <p dir="ltr">If the past is a guide, most of these former candidates will cut the Campaign Finance Board a check and close the book on the campaign. A handful, however, may carry an IOU for years.</p> <p dir="ltr">According to CFB records, as of August 23, some 77 people owe a combined $2.16 million in fines or required repayment of public financing. Repayment of public funds accounted for $1.59 million of that amount. Given the hundreds of candidates who have participated in the city's pioneering and complex campaign finance system &mdash; which requires broad disclosure, offers generous public matching funds and restricts fundraising and campaign spending &mdash; and the hundreds of millions of dollars that have been raised and spent since that apparatus was launched in 1989, the overdue list is fairly small.</p> <p dir="ltr">The list includes long-shot candidates who haven't been heard from since their bid for public office ended. But Assembly Member David Weprin, State Senator Jesse Hamilton, City Council Member Andrew King, and Deputy Brooklyn Borough President Diana Reyna are on the roster as well.</p> <p dir="ltr">McDonald looks set to join that list. Head of the prominent nonprofit The Doe Fund, he claims his violations were the result of following state campaign finance law, which has more permissible limits for campaign contributions. He screamed at the CFB during its public hearing on his campaign fundraising, claiming he&rsquo;d never pay the amount assessed.</p> <p dir="ltr">That list of 77 CFB debtors includes candidates who owe fines from as far back as the 2001 election cycle, suggesting that the board's enforcement tools could be sharper. At the same time, the presence of prominent names on the roster suggests that, for better or worse, CFB fines and repayments incurred through races gone by may shape future elections.</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">Crafted in response to municipal corruption scandals during the Koch administration and drastic disparities in candidate spending election cycle after cycle, the city's campaign finance law limits the sizes of campaign donations and requires detailed disclosure of where candidates' money comes from and where it goes. It also offers candidates a chance at public financing: If a campaign collects a threshold amount of money from a minimum number of donors, and agrees to a cap on total campaign spending, the board will match with taxpayer money some portion of the contributions the campaign collects from New York City residents.</p> <p dir="ltr">Along with the introduction of term limits in 2001, the public campaign finance system is credited with permitting dozens of political newcomers to mount credible campaigns for elected office in New York City. In the 2013 cycle, the board sent a combined $38.2 million in public funds to 149 campaigns; private donations to city campaigns in that cycle totaled $95 million.</p> <p dir="ltr">The campaign-finance system's twin missions of preventing corruption and using public financing to foster a more equal playing field lend themselves to strict rules about which entities can donate, how much can be accepted by campaigns, how campaign money can be spent, and the manner in which all of it is recorded and submitted to the board. To ensure compliance with those rules, the board regularly monitors campaign accounts, particularly for candidates who choose to participate in the public matching funds program. In September, a candidate from a 2015 City Council special election in Queens was <a href="http://nypost.com/2016/09/06/queens-woman-arrested-for-forging-campaign-donations/?utm_source=NYC+Campaign+Finance+Board+List&amp;utm_campaign=fea6e825ba-CY2016_Press_Statement_Indictment_20160907&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_term=0_35d7325629-fea6e825ba-290603253" target="_blank">indicted</a> for reporting fake donations in order to receive public matching funds. She was charged following a routine compliance visit by CFB personnel.</p> <p dir="ltr">"This is an example of how the CFB's rigorous audits help protect the public matching funds that ensure New Yorkers get elections focused on their interests, and not those of deep-pocketed special interests,&rdquo; said Amy Loprest, CFB executive director, in a public statement after the indictment. &ldquo;City taxpayers should be aware that the CFB discovered the alleged fraud and that no public funds were ever paid to this candidate.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">The board also conducts extensive audits of every campaign once the election is over &mdash; a process that can take CFB staff years to complete. After an audit is complete, the board holds a public hearing where candidates may appear with legal representation to explain the circumstances of any possible violations or to dispute a finding by CFB attorneys. After hearing the case, the board votes on how to address the missteps identified during the review.</p> <p dir="ltr">The most common violations it finds are accepting corporate contributions, accepting over-the-limit contributions, making improper post-election expenditures, or filing disclosure statements late.</p> <p dir="ltr">For violations of the rules, the CFB can impose fines ranging from $100 to several thousand dollars per violation. Candidates and treasurers can also be held personally liable for those penalties. In the 2009 campaign, for instance, 89 of 232 campaigns were told to pay penalties. The median penalty amount for that cycle was $3,786.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board can also order a campaign to return public financing that the board deems the campaign did not qualify to use. Of the 140 campaigns that received public funds in 2013, 87 were ordered to repay more than $1.5 million of the $38 million that was dispensed.</p> <p dir="ltr">Campaigns that have money left over can use it to pay fines, but sometimes &mdash; particularly when large repayments of public funds are ordered &mdash; there is nothing left. The availability of public financing means city campaigns are now attracting true political novices &mdash; a healthy thing for democracy, but a complicating factor when it comes to collecting major fines. Some candidates simply don't have the savings or income needed to pay their debts. Others might just decide not to pay, even though they could.</p> <p dir="ltr">In its penalty letter to a candidate, the board typically gives 30 days for fines to be paid. If a candidate fails to pay fines or repay public funds, their name and the unpaid amount are posted to the CFB website. A candidate can choose to negotiate a payment plan with the board, in which case his or her name is not posted.</p> <p dir="ltr">A candidate may also choose to challenge the board&rsquo;s decision in New York State Supreme Court within four months through what is called an Article 78 proceeding. These appeals, which are usually resolved within a year, largely go in favor of the CFB.</p> <p dir="ltr">Conversely, if violators do not pay fines, the board can sue them in civil court and obtain a judgement. In those cases, the board can put a lien on a candidate&rsquo;s property and can garnish their wages. Court records indicate that since 1992 the CFB has sought court judgements against more than two dozen candidates, and often succeeded.</p> <p dir="ltr">Under a 2005 court decision, however, the board has less latitude when it comes to getting public funds repaid. While candidates are liable for fines, campaign committees are responsible for repaying public funds -- and committees often disband or run out of money before those funds can be paid back. The City Council later codified the thrust of the 2005 decision into law, tying the CFB&rsquo;s hands. Pending repayments, not fines, count for a majority of the funds due to the CFB.</p> <p dir="ltr">The board does still have some leverage, however, against candidates who may want to run in a future election: individuals are unable to receive public funds if they have any pending fines or repayments left.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;Candidates who owe penalties or public funds to the CFB are ineligible to receive future payments, which provides an effective incentive for candidates to fulfill their obligations,&rdquo; Loprest said in a statement to Gotham Gazette and City Limits. &ldquo;Information about candidates&rsquo; outstanding obligations is publicly available on our website, so voters can hold candidates accountable for the conduct of their campaigns. Beyond that, the CFB makes every effort to collect the penalties and public funds repayments that candidates owe.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">And to make it known that those IOUs areout there. The overdue amounts are public knowledge. &ldquo;We don&rsquo;t write things off or forgive liabilities,&rdquo; said a CFB spokesperson. &ldquo;That&rsquo;s part of the accountability of the program.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">Sixty-three former candidates currently owe penalties to the board; the largest overdue amount belongs to Felipe Luciano, an East Harlem community activist and journalist who racked up more than $54,000 in violations when he ran for City Council District 8 in 2005. Luciano was also a participant in the public matching funds program and was told to repay nearly $17,000.</p> <p dir="ltr">Also prominent on the list: Miguel Martinez, the one-time Upper Manhattan Council member who went to federal prison over a scandal dealing with stolen city money.</p> <p dir="ltr">When it comes to public funds repayment, Asembly Member Weprin's tab dwarfs all others: $319,700. The next highest is Brooklyn Deputy Borough President Reyna, who owes a repayment of $139,000. Martinez also owes the board substantial public funds repayments. Those three, along with 2001 City Council candidate Garth Marchant, represent the four largest debts to the CFB &mdash; comprising 36 percent of what the board is owed.</p> <p style="text-align: center;">MORE: <a href="http://citylimits.org/2016/10/07/who-owes-money-to-the-citys-campaign-finance-board/" target="_blank">Who Owes Money to the City Campaign Finance Board</a></p> <p dir="ltr">Weprin was assessed a substantial penalty for the conduct of his 2009 campaign for city comptroller. An investment banker by trade who chaired the City Council's Finance Committee during his tenure there, Weprin was assessed $28,000 in penalties for violations like accepting money from unregistered PACs or taking over-the-limit contributions. He paid those penalties. &ldquo;The Assemblyman is committed to a fair election process and the responsible use of CFB funds,&rdquo; wrote a spokesperson for Weprin, Sumeet Sharma, in response to questions.</p> <p dir="ltr">But the public funds repayment of $319,700 is still due. That stems from Weprin&rsquo;s campaign opening a so-called segregated account, which is supposed to be used for expenses that public funds can&rsquo;t be used on, like to make donations to other candidates or to pay debt from a previous election. The CFB concluded that Weprin&rsquo;s 2009 campaign had deposited into that segregated account donations that were matched with public funds. It ordered the campaign to repay the matching funds associated with those donations. But by then, all the campaign&rsquo;s money had been spent.</p> <p dir="ltr">Asked about the board&rsquo;s findings, Weprin spokesperson Sharm told City Limits: &ldquo;In 2010, after the Committee ceased to exist, the CFB made technical revisions to funds that were originally declared as valid contributions, deeming valid contributions as invalid. These repayments were requested one year after the end of the campaign and after the Committee was disbanded,&rdquo; addding that &ldquo;the Assemblyman does not agree with all of the determinations of the CFB as these funds were spent on campaign related expenses.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">The amount owed by the 2009 campaign represents an undeniable obstacle to Weprin seeking municipal office again. In 2015, when David Weprin&rsquo;s brother Mark gave up his City Council seat to take a state post, David Weprin notably did not vy to replace him--perhaps because he would have had to pay off his CFB debt if he wished to tap into public financing for such a campaign.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;The CFB determined that these funds would have to be repaid by the Committee if David Weprin was to seek City Office,&rdquo; Sharma wrote. &ldquo;And althoughAssemblyman Weprin is committed to the overall mission of the CFB and will address any repayments if he does seek an office for the City of New York in the future.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">* &nbsp;* &nbsp;* &nbsp;*</p> <p dir="ltr">The fines don&rsquo;t seem to discourage people from seeking public funds to run campaigns. In the 2013 election, 92 percent of candidates on the primary ballot participated in the program, according to CFB data.</p> <p dir="ltr">But some candidates do complain that the CFB&rsquo;s disclosure and documentation requirements are severe and that the auditing process is long and drawn out. As is evident from the latest hearing, even though the CFB has about 50 employees, nearly half the agency, working full-time to audit campaigns, the process can take years.</p> <p dir="ltr">&ldquo;I&rsquo;m a little bothered at the fact that three years later I&rsquo;m still being called in,&rdquo; Joel Bauza told Gotham Gazette after making his case to the CFB, &ldquo;the treasurer is still being called in&hellip;to answer questions on stuff that we submitted on time and we gave to them the reasons. I don&rsquo;t see the difference on what was written and what was said today.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">Bauza also chose not to participate in the public matching funds program because of its &ldquo;tedious&rdquo; documentation requirements, a decision he said was made at the advice of State Senator Ruben Diaz Sr. Bauza did praise the CFB for being informative and helpful during the entire process but insisted that there is room to improve. &ldquo;I think there&rsquo;s a lot of little tedious things, a lot of things that they need to look at again,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;What they&rsquo;re going to be questioning...Items that are noticeable where large amounts of contributions are made. Talk about those things, but little things...You&rsquo;re going into the little things that don&rsquo;t really make sense.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">To its credit, the CFB carefully examines systemic issues after each election, proposes reforms to be enacted through legislation, and does routine updates to its rules. In September, the board proposed a number of <a href="http://www.gothamgazette.com/index.php/city/6531-campaign-finance-board-considers-rules-changes-including-controversial-coordination-proposal" target="_blank">rules changes</a> that would, in part, make it easier for candidates to run their campaigns. The board invited feedback that was heard at the September 15 meeting and will now consider that before approving the changes.</p> <p dir="ltr">Sean Henry, who ran in 2013 and did avail of the public financing program, shared some of Bauza&rsquo;s views on the CFB. &ldquo;I think sometimes the compliance requirements are little bit too onerous,&rdquo; he told Gotham Gazette. &ldquo;Campaigns are small. Especially when you start, you don&rsquo;t have a lot of people. I think some of the documentation is not necessary. I think there are easier ways that things can be done.&rdquo;</p> <p dir="ltr">He did say, though, that the CFB was &ldquo;efficient&rdquo; and &ldquo;fair&rdquo; to his campaign and in helping his people navigate the public funds program, and that he wasn&rsquo;t entirely deterred from participating again. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s a good way for candidates to get involved in the process,&rdquo; he said.</p> <p style="text-align: center;">NUMBERS: <a href="http://citylimits.org/2016/10/07/who-owes-money-to-the-citys-campaign-finance-board/" target="_blank">Who Owes Money to the City Campaign Finance Board</a>, at City Limits</p> <p>***<br />by Samar Khurshid of Gotham Gazette and Jarrett Murphy of City Limits</p> <p>

***
by Samar Khurshid, City government reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

</p> <p>Note: this story has been corrected to accurately reflect why Miguel Martinez went to jail, it was not related to CFB funds.</p>
How To Become a New York City Council Member 2015-08-27T13:23:11+00:00 2015-08-27T13:23:11+00:00 http://www.gothamgazette.com/?id=5862:how-to-become-a-new-york-city-council-member Super User <p><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/bdb_cms_muni_id_alatriste.jpg" alt="bdb cms muni id alatriste" height="400" width="600" /></p> <p><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Mayor de Blasio, a former Council member, with several current CMs (William Alatriste)</span></p> <hr /> <p>Ask any New York City Council member and they'll tell you— there is no set formula that will send an aspiring candidate to City Hall.</p> <p>"If you want to be a lawyer, the path is the same: get a bachelor's degree, take the LSATs, go to law school, take the bar exam, and voila, you're a lawyer," Ritchie Torres, the 51-member Council's youngest rep, told Gotham Gazette. "Whereas in politics, there is no single path."</p> <p>Torres' ascent to deputy leader in the Council— he is an openly gay, Afro-Latino, college drop-out who grew up in public housing in the Bronx— is perhaps most emblematic of this truth, reflected in the broad expanse of backgrounds present in today's class of Council members.</p> <p>The sole member of the Council with a doctorate of medicine, Mathieu Eugene, has another unique story. "I grew up in a country of many challenges. If somebody told my mother when I was a child, 'your son will be an elected official in New York,' she would've said, 'you're crazy,'" said the Haitian-born Eugene, of Brooklyn.</p> <p>But while it's true that there's not a single path to becoming a member of the New York City Council, it is also true - as indicated by data and Council members' own admissions - that some paths are more commonly travelled than others.</p> <p>Gotham Gazette found that nearly 40 percent of current Council members have served on the staff of a Council member or state Assembly member, with 60 percent of that group serving as chief of staff; and nearly 30 percent of Council members served on a community board.</p> <p>Several Council members have come to the body directly from the state Assembly, the path being taken by soon-to-be Council Member Joseph Borrelli, of Staten Island. Borrelli is running unopposed in a special election to replace former Council Member Vincent Ignizio, who resigned recently to take a non-profit leadership job.</p> <p>Meanwhile, last Thursday's primary day saw Barry Grodenchik emerge from a crowded Democratic field in a race to fill a vacant Queens Council post. Grodenchik, a former Assembly member and current aide to the Queens Borough President, still has to defeat a general election opponent, but is favored to do so.</p> <p>Asked about his government experience preparing him for the Council, Grodenchik emailed Gotham Gazette to say that elected officials deal with many challenges in office, one being "the level of bureaucracy you sometimes face in navigating government on behalf of constituents." He believes that "experience doing so matters - and I believe my experience in the Assembly, as well as at [Queens] Borough Hall will help me be a better Councilman if elected."</p> <p>Grodenchik continued to say that throughout his "career in public service" he's "gained insight on how to get things done in government." His experience likely appeals to voters, especially the small number willing to vote on a Thursday in an "off-year." It is also what led him to garner the support of the Queens County Democratic "establishment," which helped him get elected - establishment support is often a key to electoral victory in City Council races.</p> <p>While many Council members come from other parts of government, including elected bodies like the Assembly, their predecessors' staffs, and local community boards, others come from community organizing and labor. Some enter the Council from the private sector, but usually have community ties to speak of.</p> <p>Gotham Gazette spoke with current Council members about their journeys to City Hall and how the demographics of the Council are changing.</p> <p><strong>Chief of Staff</strong><br />Many Council members who served in the role of chief of staff look back on the job as a pivotal position that gave them the tools to be an effective Council member.</p> <p>"I think that anyone considering running for office should have some experience in government because I think it's important for people to know about the job that they are seeking," Manhattan Council Member Ben Kallos said. Kallos served as chief of staff to former Assembly Member Jonathan Bing. "I can say that being a chief of staff, I was able to learn about the most important part of the job, which is constituent services and helping individuals with their cases."</p> <p>Kallos also said he was able to learn about "how the legislative process works, how to get things done in a collegial environment...and ultimately as a chief of staff you get to learn a lot about the different jobs and what is necessary to run a well-functioning office."</p> <p>Queens Council Member Costa Constantinides told Gotham Gazette his experience working as deputy chief of staff to former Council Member James Gennaro provided him with a strong skillset on which to run.</p> <p>"When I made the choice to run for City Council I had a foundation in policies and I felt that was really important," Constantinides said. "I talked about, 'I have a record of getting bills passed, I have a record of knowing how this institution works, I have a record of taking on real fights already.'"</p> <p>Council Member Torres, a former constituent liaison for now colleague Council Member Jimmy Vacca, said the role of chief of staff is particularly crucial: it allows for "far more access to the political establishment" than employees in a Council member's district office have.</p> <p>"Yes, one path to elected office could be employment in the office of an elected official, but within that category there are huge differences between chief of staff and the role of a constituent organizer," Torres said. "The center of political action tends to be in City Hall and if you're in the district office, you're disconnected from the political dynamics."</p> <p>Underlining the importance of working for an elected official: when asked what advice they would give a college student aspiring to serve as a Council member, each current member interviewed by Gotham Gazette suggested interning for a Council member or working on a campaign for City Council.</p> <p><strong>Community Boards &amp; Name recognition</strong><br />For many interested in helping their community, joining a community board is a natural first step, and one that may develop into the desire to run for City Council. For some, the perception exists that community boards may be used a springboard or requisite stop along the road for aspiring elected officials.</p> <p>"Absolutely, community boards are supposed to be a voice for the community and naturally those that are providing that voice will be interested [in becoming a Council member], but often times— and one of the things I'm trying to discourage— is a place where it becomes a solely-owned subsidiary of the political establishment where it just ends up being full of people running for office," said Kallos, who served on Community Board 8. "So there needs to be a delicate balance."</p> <p>To that end, Kallos is pushing community board reform legislation, including term limits.</p> <p>Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer, a former Council member and community board member now in charge of appointing community board members, sees the boards practically, as a place where aspiring Council members can learn about the issues facing their community. If successful and effective as a board member, Brewer says, individuals can make a name for themselves and help their communities.</p> <p>Brewer disagrees with Kallos' assertion that community boards are overly politicized (a fact they both amiably alluded to in interviews— Brewer is opposed to Kallos' term limits bill), noting that her office interviewed over 700 community board candidates this year alone.</p> <p>"If you are going to be on the community board, you're going to take it seriously. So I think we are beyond the politicization, what's happened in the past is in the past," Brewer said, referring to more stringent reforms in the application and appointment processes now in place. "So I think people who think they're going to get on [the board] just so they can run for office— I mean it could happen, if you do a really good job on the community board then you should run, in my opinion, because you know the issues."</p> <p>Brewer says it is good that for aspiring elected officials community boards can be a training ground and necessary step.</p> <p>"I think unless you have some extraordinary circumstance in terms of name recognition, which I did not, and most people don't, then if you're a college student and you want to be a lawyer and then come back and run for office, you really do need to get on the community board, make a difference somehow," Brewer said, citing Helen Rosenthal and Corey Johnson as examples of current Council members who showed promise as leaders on their community boards. Rosenthal was elected in 2013 to replace Brewer on the Council.</p> <p>"I have found it now that I'm on the Council really helpful that I was on the community board for so long," Rosenthal told Gotham Gazette. "I was on it for 15 years, so when issues come up I have a long history on them...So now as a Council member, when these same types of issues come up, I have a good toolbox to draw from."</p> <p>Name recognition often rules the day when it comes to elections, and for local races, that neighborhood notoriety can be essential. Name recognition can also come in other ways.</p> <p>"Look, you have the pure insider and the pure outsider," Torres said. "I'm neither purely an insider or purely an outsider, I think most of us fall in a spectrum in between, but I think what was unique about my candidacy was that no one had ever heard of me before. I think most Council members have much more name recognition with the political establishment than I did when I ran for public office."</p> <p>In speaking of the importance of name recognition, Manhattan BP Brewer referenced the Weprins, of Queens— Assembly Member David Weprin and his brother, former Council Member Mark Weprin. The Weprin brothers have each held both the Assembly and Council seats that they were holding until Mark resigned this spring to work for Governor Cuomo; their father Saul was the Speaker of the Assembly.</p> <p>Then there is the Rivera family— Assembly Member Jose Rivera and former Council Member Joel Rivera— for over 20 years Joel held the seat Torres now occupies.</p> <p>Before joining Congress, U.S. Rep. Yvette Clarke succeeded her mother Una Clarke in the City Council. Current Council Member Inez Barron and her husband, Assembly Member Charles Barron, completed an easy seat swap recently when he was term-limited out of the Council.</p> <p>But according to political consultant and executive director of the New York State Democratic Party Basil Smikle, candidates with private sector backgrounds who toe the edge of what Torres referred to as the "outsider" side of the spectrum still can be appealing to voters.</p> <p>"Voters tend to respond to candidates who can convey both an understanding for the issues as well as a passion to actually want to impact them. So you can be active in your community and not convey to a voter that you want the job. You can work in the private sector and be able to speak of a vision with a fervor that come across to the voter," Smikle said.</p> <p>"I think ultimately no matter what path you take," Smikle continued, "having that so-called 'fire in the belly' always is important no matter where you come from and no matter what your trajectory. Having said that, I think even if you come from the private sector you still need to have a sense of what is going on with the voters in your neighborhood. You have to know that. A voter needs to know you can take whatever it is in your background up until this point and apply it to their situation."</p> <p><strong>Labor unions</strong><br />"Unions are the other place people come out of," Brewer said. "It's where Melissa [Mark-Viverito, the current Speaker] came out of, where [Council Member] Annabel Palma came out of...You have to have some unions with you to win."</p> <p>Council Member Daniel Dromm was a delegate and chapter chair for the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) before he became a Council member and enjoyed the union's support once he decided to run. Dromm told Gotham Gazette that the UFT had thrown him an early endorsement in 2008 a few months before term limits were extended, enabling the Council member he was running against to seek a third term.</p> <p>"So the UFT had to make a decision again the following June what to do because the incumbent who was also very supportive of the union decided she was going to run, and what they decided to do was do a dual endorsement," Dromm said. "But at that point I had gotten what I had needed out of the endorsement from the UFT, so it was very helpful to me in that sense and gave my candidacy a lot of legitimacy."</p> <p>It is well-known that in Democrat-heavy New York City, unions can make a difference both in building legitimacy and name-recognition, but also in helping get out the vote come primary day. New York City Council elections often see crowded Democratic primaries, as was the case when Rosenthal was elected in 2013 and the primary that Grodenchik just won in Queens.</p> <p>Smikle told Gotham Gazette that earning the support of unions is important both operationally and symbolically.</p> <p>"You're still looking to represent districts that chances are have labor union representation among your constituents. If you're living in an area that has a large number of TWU workers, [for example], that union endorsement is very important. If other unions come on board, it looks like you are a friend to the working people, to laborers, and you get the symbolism that's attached to that as well because you're not just a friend to organized labor, you're a friend to people's aspirations. That is extraordinarily important," Smikle said.</p> <p><strong>The shift in demographics</strong><br />The power unions hold to get candidates elected underlines the importance of having contacts in politics.</p> <p>"If you're a poor kid from the Bronx without a college education and no position in politics, for all intents and purposes you have no means of fundraising," Torres said. "You have no social capital, no economic capital, no rolodex you can tap into for fundraising purposes. So you either need to have some position— even if you're at the margins of the political establishment, you need some position in politics— or you need to be part of the professional class."</p> <p>Brewer, however, said that being a part of the professional class may actually put candidates at a disadvantage compared to people involved in community organizing or activism.</p> <p>"If you work on Wall Street and then decide to come back and run, then you'll be able to raise money but you won't know the people...In Manhattan you can always raise more money whether you're on a community board, work for an elected official, or not," Brewer said.</p> <p>The public campaign financing system in New York City, which provides public matching funds for small donations, "gives you the opportunity," Brewer said, "to raise a little money and still win. What you have to do is develop your own list. Initially you run and win financing-wise on friends and family."</p> <p>At a forum hosted by the Campaign Finance Board in July, Council Member Eric Ulrich, a Republican from Queens, also emphasized the importance of the city's matching funds program in equalizing the playing field for aspiring Council members.</p> <p>"If it were not for the Campaign Finance Board I would never have been elected to City Council. I did not come from a political family, I came from a single parent household, we didn't come from money," Ulrich told attendees.</p> <p>Constantinides also cited the CFB's matching program as being a game changer, adding the importance of the change in term limits.</p> <p>"That's a huge, huge part to seeing this demographic shift," Constantinides said, referring to the changes in the age, race, and ethnic diversity in the Council. "Term limits have changed, it's leveled the playing field, it's allowed people to come in and say- you have matching funds, you're not worried about raising 300-, 400-thousand dollars, you're focused on raising a certain amount and then going out and making your case to your constituents."</p> <p>The demographic shift to which Constantinides references came at the confluence of the implementation of stricter term limits and the rise of the Progressive Caucus, a liberal bloc of Council members formed in 2010 in response to the Bloomberg administration's more conservative policies and the city's shifting population.</p> <p>"What you actually saw was this dramatic change in the Council where progressive Council members are helping other progressive Council members [and candidates]," Kallos, who was elected to the Council in 2013 and joined the Progressive Caucus upon taking office in 2014, said. "So whereas typically you'll have seen independent expenditures from the Real Estate Board of New York shaping elections, now what you'll see is organized activity by [progressive] members trying to elect more. So I think what you saw was a much more progressive body getting elected by virtue of members making that happen."</p> <p>The rise of the caucus, which began with 12 and now includes 19 of the 51 council members (with several other close allies who are not official members), was viewed by many as a shift away from machine politics and toward community organizing and advocacy. But Torres, a caucus member whose ascent into politics is emblematic of this shift, said he thought the picture was more complicated.</p> <p>"It is certainly true that you have an organized progressive movement, progressive infrastructure that operates independently of the traditional centers of political power, and it is true that the progressive movement has made a priority out of electing younger people to public office, people of color to public office, and more women in public office," Torres, who is 27, said. "So that is true, but I will caution you not to distinguish or completely separate the progressive movement from the establishment."</p> <p>Even the progressive movement can be in danger of becoming an insider's game, where the progressives who get the endorsements are the ones who have the relationships and can raise money, Torres said. There is also always a question of how closely aligned unions and progressives are with the different county political machines.</p> <p>"Even in the progressive world, the two currencies are the same: money and relationships," Torres said. "I think someone like me has a greater chance of succeeding in the new world in which we are operating, but I want to caution that. Relationships and money continue to be the dominant forces of politics."</p> <p>***<br />by Catie Edmondson, Gotham Gazette<br /><a href="https://twitter.com/CatieEdmondson" target="_blank">@CatieEdmondson</a></p> <p><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/bdb_cms_muni_id_alatriste.jpg" alt="bdb cms muni id alatriste" height="400" width="600" /></p> <p><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Mayor de Blasio, a former Council member, with several current CMs (William Alatriste)</span></p> <hr /> <p>Ask any New York City Council member and they'll tell you— there is no set formula that will send an aspiring candidate to City Hall.</p> <p>"If you want to be a lawyer, the path is the same: get a bachelor's degree, take the LSATs, go to law school, take the bar exam, and voila, you're a lawyer," Ritchie Torres, the 51-member Council's youngest rep, told Gotham Gazette. "Whereas in politics, there is no single path."</p> <p>Torres' ascent to deputy leader in the Council— he is an openly gay, Afro-Latino, college drop-out who grew up in public housing in the Bronx— is perhaps most emblematic of this truth, reflected in the broad expanse of backgrounds present in today's class of Council members.</p> <p>The sole member of the Council with a doctorate of medicine, Mathieu Eugene, has another unique story. "I grew up in a country of many challenges. If somebody told my mother when I was a child, 'your son will be an elected official in New York,' she would've said, 'you're crazy,'" said the Haitian-born Eugene, of Brooklyn.</p> <p>But while it's true that there's not a single path to becoming a member of the New York City Council, it is also true - as indicated by data and Council members' own admissions - that some paths are more commonly travelled than others.</p> <p>Gotham Gazette found that nearly 40 percent of current Council members have served on the staff of a Council member or state Assembly member, with 60 percent of that group serving as chief of staff; and nearly 30 percent of Council members served on a community board.</p> <p>Several Council members have come to the body directly from the state Assembly, the path being taken by soon-to-be Council Member Joseph Borrelli, of Staten Island. Borrelli is running unopposed in a special election to replace former Council Member Vincent Ignizio, who resigned recently to take a non-profit leadership job.</p> <p>Meanwhile, last Thursday's primary day saw Barry Grodenchik emerge from a crowded Democratic field in a race to fill a vacant Queens Council post. Grodenchik, a former Assembly member and current aide to the Queens Borough President, still has to defeat a general election opponent, but is favored to do so.</p> <p>Asked about his government experience preparing him for the Council, Grodenchik emailed Gotham Gazette to say that elected officials deal with many challenges in office, one being "the level of bureaucracy you sometimes face in navigating government on behalf of constituents." He believes that "experience doing so matters - and I believe my experience in the Assembly, as well as at [Queens] Borough Hall will help me be a better Councilman if elected."</p> <p>Grodenchik continued to say that throughout his "career in public service" he's "gained insight on how to get things done in government." His experience likely appeals to voters, especially the small number willing to vote on a Thursday in an "off-year." It is also what led him to garner the support of the Queens County Democratic "establishment," which helped him get elected - establishment support is often a key to electoral victory in City Council races.</p> <p>While many Council members come from other parts of government, including elected bodies like the Assembly, their predecessors' staffs, and local community boards, others come from community organizing and labor. Some enter the Council from the private sector, but usually have community ties to speak of.</p> <p>Gotham Gazette spoke with current Council members about their journeys to City Hall and how the demographics of the Council are changing.</p> <p><strong>Chief of Staff</strong><br />Many Council members who served in the role of chief of staff look back on the job as a pivotal position that gave them the tools to be an effective Council member.</p> <p>"I think that anyone considering running for office should have some experience in government because I think it's important for people to know about the job that they are seeking," Manhattan Council Member Ben Kallos said. Kallos served as chief of staff to former Assembly Member Jonathan Bing. "I can say that being a chief of staff, I was able to learn about the most important part of the job, which is constituent services and helping individuals with their cases."</p> <p>Kallos also said he was able to learn about "how the legislative process works, how to get things done in a collegial environment...and ultimately as a chief of staff you get to learn a lot about the different jobs and what is necessary to run a well-functioning office."</p> <p>Queens Council Member Costa Constantinides told Gotham Gazette his experience working as deputy chief of staff to former Council Member James Gennaro provided him with a strong skillset on which to run.</p> <p>"When I made the choice to run for City Council I had a foundation in policies and I felt that was really important," Constantinides said. "I talked about, 'I have a record of getting bills passed, I have a record of knowing how this institution works, I have a record of taking on real fights already.'"</p> <p>Council Member Torres, a former constituent liaison for now colleague Council Member Jimmy Vacca, said the role of chief of staff is particularly crucial: it allows for "far more access to the political establishment" than employees in a Council member's district office have.</p> <p>"Yes, one path to elected office could be employment in the office of an elected official, but within that category there are huge differences between chief of staff and the role of a constituent organizer," Torres said. "The center of political action tends to be in City Hall and if you're in the district office, you're disconnected from the political dynamics."</p> <p>Underlining the importance of working for an elected official: when asked what advice they would give a college student aspiring to serve as a Council member, each current member interviewed by Gotham Gazette suggested interning for a Council member or working on a campaign for City Council.</p> <p><strong>Community Boards &amp; Name recognition</strong><br />For many interested in helping their community, joining a community board is a natural first step, and one that may develop into the desire to run for City Council. For some, the perception exists that community boards may be used a springboard or requisite stop along the road for aspiring elected officials.</p> <p>"Absolutely, community boards are supposed to be a voice for the community and naturally those that are providing that voice will be interested [in becoming a Council member], but often times— and one of the things I'm trying to discourage— is a place where it becomes a solely-owned subsidiary of the political establishment where it just ends up being full of people running for office," said Kallos, who served on Community Board 8. "So there needs to be a delicate balance."</p> <p>To that end, Kallos is pushing community board reform legislation, including term limits.</p> <p>Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer, a former Council member and community board member now in charge of appointing community board members, sees the boards practically, as a place where aspiring Council members can learn about the issues facing their community. If successful and effective as a board member, Brewer says, individuals can make a name for themselves and help their communities.</p> <p>Brewer disagrees with Kallos' assertion that community boards are overly politicized (a fact they both amiably alluded to in interviews— Brewer is opposed to Kallos' term limits bill), noting that her office interviewed over 700 community board candidates this year alone.</p> <p>"If you are going to be on the community board, you're going to take it seriously. So I think we are beyond the politicization, what's happened in the past is in the past," Brewer said, referring to more stringent reforms in the application and appointment processes now in place. "So I think people who think they're going to get on [the board] just so they can run for office— I mean it could happen, if you do a really good job on the community board then you should run, in my opinion, because you know the issues."</p> <p>Brewer says it is good that for aspiring elected officials community boards can be a training ground and necessary step.</p> <p>"I think unless you have some extraordinary circumstance in terms of name recognition, which I did not, and most people don't, then if you're a college student and you want to be a lawyer and then come back and run for office, you really do need to get on the community board, make a difference somehow," Brewer said, citing Helen Rosenthal and Corey Johnson as examples of current Council members who showed promise as leaders on their community boards. Rosenthal was elected in 2013 to replace Brewer on the Council.</p> <p>"I have found it now that I'm on the Council really helpful that I was on the community board for so long," Rosenthal told Gotham Gazette. "I was on it for 15 years, so when issues come up I have a long history on them...So now as a Council member, when these same types of issues come up, I have a good toolbox to draw from."</p> <p>Name recognition often rules the day when it comes to elections, and for local races, that neighborhood notoriety can be essential. Name recognition can also come in other ways.</p> <p>"Look, you have the pure insider and the pure outsider," Torres said. "I'm neither purely an insider or purely an outsider, I think most of us fall in a spectrum in between, but I think what was unique about my candidacy was that no one had ever heard of me before. I think most Council members have much more name recognition with the political establishment than I did when I ran for public office."</p> <p>In speaking of the importance of name recognition, Manhattan BP Brewer referenced the Weprins, of Queens— Assembly Member David Weprin and his brother, former Council Member Mark Weprin. The Weprin brothers have each held both the Assembly and Council seats that they were holding until Mark resigned this spring to work for Governor Cuomo; their father Saul was the Speaker of the Assembly.</p> <p>Then there is the Rivera family— Assembly Member Jose Rivera and former Council Member Joel Rivera— for over 20 years Joel held the seat Torres now occupies.</p> <p>Before joining Congress, U.S. Rep. Yvette Clarke succeeded her mother Una Clarke in the City Council. Current Council Member Inez Barron and her husband, Assembly Member Charles Barron, completed an easy seat swap recently when he was term-limited out of the Council.</p> <p>But according to political consultant and executive director of the New York State Democratic Party Basil Smikle, candidates with private sector backgrounds who toe the edge of what Torres referred to as the "outsider" side of the spectrum still can be appealing to voters.</p> <p>"Voters tend to respond to candidates who can convey both an understanding for the issues as well as a passion to actually want to impact them. So you can be active in your community and not convey to a voter that you want the job. You can work in the private sector and be able to speak of a vision with a fervor that come across to the voter," Smikle said.</p> <p>"I think ultimately no matter what path you take," Smikle continued, "having that so-called 'fire in the belly' always is important no matter where you come from and no matter what your trajectory. Having said that, I think even if you come from the private sector you still need to have a sense of what is going on with the voters in your neighborhood. You have to know that. A voter needs to know you can take whatever it is in your background up until this point and apply it to their situation."</p> <p><strong>Labor unions</strong><br />"Unions are the other place people come out of," Brewer said. "It's where Melissa [Mark-Viverito, the current Speaker] came out of, where [Council Member] Annabel Palma came out of...You have to have some unions with you to win."</p> <p>Council Member Daniel Dromm was a delegate and chapter chair for the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) before he became a Council member and enjoyed the union's support once he decided to run. Dromm told Gotham Gazette that the UFT had thrown him an early endorsement in 2008 a few months before term limits were extended, enabling the Council member he was running against to seek a third term.</p> <p>"So the UFT had to make a decision again the following June what to do because the incumbent who was also very supportive of the union decided she was going to run, and what they decided to do was do a dual endorsement," Dromm said. "But at that point I had gotten what I had needed out of the endorsement from the UFT, so it was very helpful to me in that sense and gave my candidacy a lot of legitimacy."</p> <p>It is well-known that in Democrat-heavy New York City, unions can make a difference both in building legitimacy and name-recognition, but also in helping get out the vote come primary day. New York City Council elections often see crowded Democratic primaries, as was the case when Rosenthal was elected in 2013 and the primary that Grodenchik just won in Queens.</p> <p>Smikle told Gotham Gazette that earning the support of unions is important both operationally and symbolically.</p> <p>"You're still looking to represent districts that chances are have labor union representation among your constituents. If you're living in an area that has a large number of TWU workers, [for example], that union endorsement is very important. If other unions come on board, it looks like you are a friend to the working people, to laborers, and you get the symbolism that's attached to that as well because you're not just a friend to organized labor, you're a friend to people's aspirations. That is extraordinarily important," Smikle said.</p> <p><strong>The shift in demographics</strong><br />The power unions hold to get candidates elected underlines the importance of having contacts in politics.</p> <p>"If you're a poor kid from the Bronx without a college education and no position in politics, for all intents and purposes you have no means of fundraising," Torres said. "You have no social capital, no economic capital, no rolodex you can tap into for fundraising purposes. So you either need to have some position— even if you're at the margins of the political establishment, you need some position in politics— or you need to be part of the professional class."</p> <p>Brewer, however, said that being a part of the professional class may actually put candidates at a disadvantage compared to people involved in community organizing or activism.</p> <p>"If you work on Wall Street and then decide to come back and run, then you'll be able to raise money but you won't know the people...In Manhattan you can always raise more money whether you're on a community board, work for an elected official, or not," Brewer said.</p> <p>The public campaign financing system in New York City, which provides public matching funds for small donations, "gives you the opportunity," Brewer said, "to raise a little money and still win. What you have to do is develop your own list. Initially you run and win financing-wise on friends and family."</p> <p>At a forum hosted by the Campaign Finance Board in July, Council Member Eric Ulrich, a Republican from Queens, also emphasized the importance of the city's matching funds program in equalizing the playing field for aspiring Council members.</p> <p>"If it were not for the Campaign Finance Board I would never have been elected to City Council. I did not come from a political family, I came from a single parent household, we didn't come from money," Ulrich told attendees.</p> <p>Constantinides also cited the CFB's matching program as being a game changer, adding the importance of the change in term limits.</p> <p>"That's a huge, huge part to seeing this demographic shift," Constantinides said, referring to the changes in the age, race, and ethnic diversity in the Council. "Term limits have changed, it's leveled the playing field, it's allowed people to come in and say- you have matching funds, you're not worried about raising 300-, 400-thousand dollars, you're focused on raising a certain amount and then going out and making your case to your constituents."</p> <p>The demographic shift to which Constantinides references came at the confluence of the implementation of stricter term limits and the rise of the Progressive Caucus, a liberal bloc of Council members formed in 2010 in response to the Bloomberg administration's more conservative policies and the city's shifting population.</p> <p>"What you actually saw was this dramatic change in the Council where progressive Council members are helping other progressive Council members [and candidates]," Kallos, who was elected to the Council in 2013 and joined the Progressive Caucus upon taking office in 2014, said. "So whereas typically you'll have seen independent expenditures from the Real Estate Board of New York shaping elections, now what you'll see is organized activity by [progressive] members trying to elect more. So I think what you saw was a much more progressive body getting elected by virtue of members making that happen."</p> <p>The rise of the caucus, which began with 12 and now includes 19 of the 51 council members (with several other close allies who are not official members), was viewed by many as a shift away from machine politics and toward community organizing and advocacy. But Torres, a caucus member whose ascent into politics is emblematic of this shift, said he thought the picture was more complicated.</p> <p>"It is certainly true that you have an organized progressive movement, progressive infrastructure that operates independently of the traditional centers of political power, and it is true that the progressive movement has made a priority out of electing younger people to public office, people of color to public office, and more women in public office," Torres, who is 27, said. "So that is true, but I will caution you not to distinguish or completely separate the progressive movement from the establishment."</p> <p>Even the progressive movement can be in danger of becoming an insider's game, where the progressives who get the endorsements are the ones who have the relationships and can raise money, Torres said. There is also always a question of how closely aligned unions and progressives are with the different county political machines.</p> <p>"Even in the progressive world, the two currencies are the same: money and relationships," Torres said. "I think someone like me has a greater chance of succeeding in the new world in which we are operating, but I want to caution that. Relationships and money continue to be the dominant forces of politics."</p> <p>***<br />by Catie Edmondson, Gotham Gazette<br /><a href="https://twitter.com/CatieEdmondson" target="_blank">@CatieEdmondson</a></p> Next Steps for Two Soon-To-Be-Vacant City Council Seats 2015-05-15T16:39:01+00:00 2015-05-15T16:39:01+00:00 http://www.gothamgazette.com/?id=5726:next-steps-for-two-soon-to-be-vacant-city-council-seats Super User <p><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/graphics/2014/03/weprin_ignizio.jpg" alt="weprin ignizio" height="429" width="600" /></p> <p><span style="font-size: 10pt;">CMs Weprin, left, &amp; Ignizio, right, are both leaving the Council (photo: William Alatriste)</span></p> <hr /> <p dir="ltr">City Council member Mark Weprin, a Democrat who represents part of Queens, <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/exclusive-councilman-resign-work-gov-cuomo-article-1.2217535" target="_blank">announced</a> on Monday that he will step down from his seat to join Governor Andrew Cuomo’s administration as Deputy Secretary of Legislative Affairs, making him <a href="http://gothamgazette.com/index.php/government/5719-at-a-chaotic-time-cuomo-hires-weprin-to-assist-in-deal-making" target="_blank">a key liaison</a> between the governor and the state Legislature, City Council, and others.</p> <p><img src="http://www.gothamgazette.com/images/graphics/2014/03/weprin_ignizio.jpg" alt="weprin ignizio" height="429" width="600" /></p> <p><span style="font-size: 10pt;">CMs Weprin, left, &amp; Ignizio, right, are both leaving the Council (photo: William Alatriste)</span></p> <hr /> <p dir="ltr">City Council member Mark Weprin, a Democrat who represents part of Queens, <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/exclusive-councilman-resign-work-gov-cuomo-article-1.2217535" target="_blank">announced</a> on Monday that he will step down from his seat to join Governor Andrew Cuomo’s administration as Deputy Secretary of Legislative Affairs, making him <a href="http://gothamgazette.com/index.php/government/5719-at-a-chaotic-time-cuomo-hires-weprin-to-assist-in-deal-making" target="_blank">a key liaison</a> between the governor and the state Legislature, City Council, and others.</p>