Gotham Gazette

The Place for New York Policy and politics

City

Mayor Adams, City Council Announce Agreement on $107 Billion City Budget


Mayor Adams & Speaker Adams shake on the budget deal (photo: @NYCMayor)


Mayor Eric Adams and City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams announced on Thursday a deal on a massive $107 billion budget for the 2024 fiscal year, just days before the July 1 deadline, marking the conclusion of months of contentious negotiations between the two sides of City Hall. The full Council is scheduled to vote the budget through on Friday morning.

This budget is the largest at adoption in city history, adding $6 billion in spending compared to the budget adopted last June, largely because of spending on municipal labor contracts and the costs of services for the large influx of migrant asylum-seekers.

“The agreement we reached today comes in the midst of a budget cycle dominated by great challenges and unexpected crises,” Mayor Adams said, after a particularly tense “budget handshake” with the speaker at City Hall. “But I'm proud to say we have successfully navigated through these many crosscurrents to arrive at a strong and fiscally responsible budget that uplifts everyday New Yorkers and their families.”

The mayor acknowledged that while the city did not make “big dollar investments” across the board, there were nonetheless “smart, strategic” allocations to youth services, mental health, public safety, education, seniors, cultural institutions and libraries, sanitation, and more that will have major impacts.

Unlike recent years, the budget negotiations came down to the wire, after tense battles over the mayor’s recurring attempts to make sweeping if mostly modest cuts across city agencies, which the Council repeatedly opposed as it sought to boost the city’s social safety net.

Speaker Adams acknowledged that the bulk of the budget fight was spent on restoring proposed cuts, and expressed disappointment that the Council wasn’t successful across the board. “These negotiations were not easy and, in fact, they were uniquely challenging because of how much it focused on restoring cuts to so many important programs,” she said, speaking just after the mayor as he looked on.

Many in the Council also had to contend with the primary election earlier this week, since all 51 seats are up for election this year, adding another complication in the middle of the budget process. In a sign of the fraught relationship with the more moderate mayor and challenging budget negotiations, many of the Council’s Progressive Caucus members were absent from the annual City Hall celebration of a budget deal.

In contrast with last year, when the city was also flush with revenue and federal aid, the administration faced additional fiscal pressures this year. Several major municipal labor contracts have been settled while others remain pending, which accounted for most of the added spending – in total, the administration allocated $16 billion across the next four fiscal years for all labor settlements.

About $2.9 billion in the next fiscal year will go to the costs of sheltering and providing services to asylum seekers, which has already cost the city about $1.4 billion in the current fiscal year — though there is some state and federal aid coming to help with those costs. More than 81,000 migrants have arrived in the city in the last year, and more than 51,000 remain in the city’s care, according to the Adams administration.

Other areas where the city added funding, though they pale in sum comparison, include a $20 million baseline increase for the Fair Fares discounted MetroCard program, bringing the total there to $95 million; a Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) for nonprofit human service providers, with funding baselined at $100 million in the 2024 fiscal year and growing to $150 million baselined in fiscal year 2025; a $46 million increase for legal service providers, including for Right to Counsel cases in eviction proceedings; and $30.3 million for supportive programs for K-12 students including mental health services, arts education, shelter-based coordinators, Immigrant Family Engagement, and community schools; $16 million in total for childcare for undocumented families via the Promise NYC program launched this fiscal year; and $15 million more to expand 3K, by converting nearly 1,900 school day/school year seats to extended day/extended year seats.

The Adams administration took several steps to cut spending over the last several months, including successive Programs to Eliminate the Gap (PEGs) and a vacancy reduction initiative, which together saved more than $4.7 billion between the current and next fiscal year. Revenues also came in higher than expected by about $2.1 billion in the current fiscal year, helping balance the budget for next fiscal year with the opportunity for the Council to secure restoration of some of the mayor’s proposed reductions.

“We achieved this without cutting services, laying off employees or raising taxes,” Mayor Adams said of the balanced budget for fiscal year 2024.

The budget also sets aside $8 billion in reserves, including $1.2 billion in the General Reserve, $2 billion in the Rainy Day Fund, $4.58 billion in the Retiree Health Benefits Trust fund, and $250 million in the Capital Stabilization Reserve.

“[The budget] is on time, balanced and fiscally responsible. It strategically directs our resources to programs that will support everyday New Yorkers and it represents a balance of administration and Council priorities,” the mayor said.

Last year, the mayor and Council clashed over cuts to individual school budgets over declining enrollment that were approved as part of the budget, though the Council tried to argue that the administration had been misleading. But this budget will not reduce any school budgets at the start of the school year, the mayor reiterated on Thursday, though he said that could change (with funding up or down) in midyear adjustments when final enrollment numbers are tallied.

Speaker Adams gave a sobering assessment of how the final budget deal unfolded. “Our focus in this budget has been to protect the essential services that the people of this city rely on to be healthy, safe and successful,” she said, decrying the cuts that the Council had to fight hard to restore.

She noted that the Council’s first-ever female majority informed its budget priorities. “The inequities that women, and particularly women of color, face throughout our lives that undermine us, our communities and the city are issues that must be addressed. Resolving these inequities was the focus of many of our budget priorities,” she said.

Among the many cuts that the Council was successful in reversing were $36.2 million from public libraries; $32.4 million from the City University of New York; $40 million for other cultural institutions; $32.9 million from the New York City Housing Authority’s Vacant Unit Readiness Program; $22 million for litter basket collection; and $7 million from older adult meals.

With federal covid relief funding running out in the next few years and with revenues also expected to slow, the speaker conceded, “The reality is we're heading into more challenging years.” But she emphasized that the administration and Council need to collaborate more closely on the budget, rather than replicate the budget dance that characterized this year’s process.

“While the Council's focus this year was to restore cuts to essential services, our city must shift away from this counterproductive budgeting approach and move forward through the lens of expanding upon what New Yorkers need, not what they can do without,” she said.

“A budget is more than just an itemized list of expenditures, it's a values document,” said Council Member Justin Brannan, chair of the Council’s finance committee, emphasizing the “thoughtful, surgical investments” made in the budget. “You can tell me what you care about, but you prove it to me by showing me what you spend your money on, especially when times are tough and money is tight. It all comes down to priorities and from the start of these negotiations, the Council was laser focused on protecting what New Yorkers need to recover, succeed, be healthy and safe. New Yorkers don't run and hide, we stand and fight. The city's best days are ahead of us and I would never bet against New York City.” 

One of the major successes for the Council was shifting $175 million in capital funding for the Department of Housing Preservation and Development into the earlier years of the city’s capital strategy, and achieving a $4 billion capital allocation for housing in fiscal year 2024, by which the Council’s insistence helps the mayor meet a campaign promise he had yet to fulfill.

Questions remain, however, about whether the personnel will be there at HPD and other city agencies to adequately provide city services, meet major goals, and address several crises. The new budget funds more than 20,000 vacant positions across city agencies, indicative of an ongoing personnel crisis that has already hurt service-delivery and the Adams administration has only recently begun to take modest steps toward addressing.

Reactions
Comptroller Brad Lander, the city’s chief financial officer, said in a statement that the budget agreement did not tackle major long-term challenges while also including “short-sighted cuts” like $17 million from restorative justice programs at Rikers Island and some $9 million to CUNY.

He also noted that the administration did not take any steps to address the costs of the migrant crisis. “The Administration wields the high cost of providing shelter for asylum seekers as a rationale for belt tightening, yet did not provide significant funding for urgent legal assistance that would significantly reduce the City’s long-term costs,” Lander said. “City Hall announced a plan to connect asylum seekers with pro bono legal support to apply for status and work authorization, but this budget does not allocate meaningful dollars to scale up legal services that will help people gain employment, exit the shelter system, and contribute to our local economy. This is a shortsighted approach to a pressing budget and human issue.”

Lander — whom Mayor Adams on Thursday again criticized for not traveling to Washington D.C. to push for federal asylum-seeker support — has also continued to urge the city to put away more funding in reserves and to back revenue-raising measures, which require state approval, to fund critical future needs.

Public Advocate Jumaane Williams expressed relief that many of the proposed cuts in the budget were prevented. “Unfortunately, a necessary focus on restoring cuts meant that many new and necessary investments were not able to be made,” he said in a statement. “Maintaining public school funding and supporting libraries should be a given, but so should strengthening and expanding services to meet the moment and the needs of the most vulnerable New Yorkers.”

He also faulted the mayor for using asylum-seekers as a “scapegoat” for failing to invest in services for all New Yorkers and the mayor’s continued opposition to raising taxes on the wealthy. “"As I have said many times – investment, not austerity, is the most effective means of meeting the compounding crises our city faces, and we just cannot point to our challenges as a reason to prevent investment,” he said.

Andrew Rein, president of Citizens Budget Commission, a nonprofit fiscal watchdog, reiterated warnings about the administration and Council compounding fiscal problems in the years ahead. “It is essentially a one-year budget that again unfortunately delays the wise but hard choices needed to stabilize the City’s fiscal future,” he said in a statement. “With the coffers temporarily bulging, the budget increases fiscal cliffs, widens future budget gaps, and misses the opportunity to deposit money into the Rainy Day Fund.”

“This burgeoning habit of funding major programs one year at a time is effectively putting the budget dance of years’ past on steroids, potentially creating massive annual service crises. Cliff dancing is dangerous and should stop,” Rein added.

Advocates expressed mixed feelings about the budget, and those who were disappointed mostly directed their ire at the mayor.

The heads of the three library systems – Brooklyn Public Library President Linda Johnson, Queens Public Library President Dennis Walcott, and New York Public Library President Anthony Marx – were ecstatic that their funding had been restored. “This is true and responsive civic leadership, and we look forward to continuing to work with the Mayor and the Council to address some of the most pressing challenges facing our city, including assisting asylum seekers, supporting teens, preparing people for the workforce, and helping kids recover from pandemic learning loss,” they said in a joint statement.

“Today, a simple handshake has upended the lives of thousands of people detained in our city jails, whose hopes for a better future rested in crucial programs that—up until June 30—supported our most vulnerable and marginalized communities,” read a statement from the Fortune Society, referencing the $17 million cut to programs in city jails that it helps provide. “These vital, life-saving services included reentry planning, nonviolent conflict resolution, hard skills training and certifications, and cognitive behavioral interventions. To say the ending of this funding is short-sighted and cruel is an understatement—it threatens to cause generational damage and trauma for decades to come and portends a decline in public safety.”

Michelle Jackson, executive director of the Human Services Council, which represents nearly 200 nonprofit human service providers, said the COLA in the budget was far below what organizations require. “This budget is not good, and it is not just,” she said in a statement. “Almost two-thirds of our workforce lives near poverty, and this agreement will not fundamentally change that - even though the Mayor found plenty of money to give generous raises to other workers.”

The Professional Staff Congress–CUNY, which represents 30,000 faculty and professional staff, praised the Council for pushing back against cuts to the system.

“Without the Council's intervention, the Mayor's budget would have dramatically compounded years of City cuts to community colleges,” said PSC-CUNY President James Davis, in a statement. He pointed out that, despite the restorations, previous cuts (based on student enrollment drops) have already hurt CUNY’s finances, leading community colleges to lose more than 300 full-time faculty and staff since 2020. “It is well documented that CUNY lifts the economic prospects of thousands of New Yorkers, including two-time CUNY graduate Mayor Adams,” Davis said. “Thankfully, the Council was able to stop the Mayor pulling the ladder of opportunity up behind him in this budget. Because these restorations were not baselined by the Mayor in this budget, the Mayor will have to decide again if he will continue to target CUNY students for cuts.”

Betsy Plum, executive director of Riders Alliance, and David Jones, president of Community Service Society, praised the expansion of the Fair Fares program. “Expanding the nation's largest low-income transit discount program will help it achieve its full potential to combat poverty and promote economic security,” they said in a statement. “We look forward to working with City Hall to make the expansion as impactful for as many people as possible.”

***
by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

Proposed NYPD Rule Could Allow Widespread Drone Activity in New York City


Drones ready to fly (photo: Caroline Rubinstein-Willis/Mayoral Photography Office)


A new proposed rule by the NYPD could pave the way for private drone flights over much of New York City, opening a new frontier for anything from high-altitude advertising to spying.

Today, private drone flights are allowed in only a handful of areas on the outskirts of the city, tightly regulated by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and NYPD to ensure safe and unfettered airspace in the nation's highest skyline. The drones currently roving the night sky are government operated or flown illegally by civilians and subject to criminal charges and major fines.

The police department, which has the authority to make rules governing the take off and landing of aircraft, says the private use of drones would be a public good with a host of cultural, academic, and law enforcement applications. But as with other technological advances, civil rights experts say the proliferation of drones – unmanned mini-helicopters that can fly hundreds of feet in the air and carry anything from a piece of mail to a high-definition camera – could expose New Yorkers to previously unimagined invasions of privacy.

That apprehension could set the stage for a battle between the City Council and the administration of Mayor Eric Adams over the proposed rule, which can go into effect under city law after a public hearing.

“I am concerned about the introduction of these proposed safety tools in our community," said Council Member Nantasha Williams, a Queens Democrat and chair of the Council’s Committee on Civil and Human Rights, in an email to Gotham Gazette.

"I am committed to utilizing my oversight to ensure that community concerns around privacy are heard and addressed, and to work towards finding a balance that upholds both security and the fundamental rights of our residents,” Williams added.

The rule would require permits to operate a drone for a police-approved purpose with few limits. It would make it a fine – $250, for a first violation, up to $1,000 – to fly a remote aircraft without one. Currently, taking off and landing in New York City is a misdemeanor, except in an emergency. The rule comes after a settlement between the city and Xizmo Media Productions, a company that specializes in drones for film and TV, after the firm sued over the city's restriction on federally regulated air space.

A hearing on the proposal is scheduled for July 7 at One Police Plaza. Members of the public may submit a written comment or sign up to testify through the city's online portal.

The NYPD cites drones' use in film, rescue efforts, "research projects, and…surveys," to justify the new proposal.

"As drones have been increasingly used to film stunning cinematic videos, support first responder rescue efforts, aid in research projects, and conduct surveys, it is clear that the City must balance the ever present safety and privacy concerns inherent in widespread drone use against the important gains that may result from this new technology," reads the NYPD's proposed rule.

The department would not say whether there would be limits on the number of private drone flights in total or by a single permit-holder.

Civil rights advocates have pointed out that while there are some First and Fourth Amendment limitations on the way police can use drones to watch people inside their homes or at protests and other political or social gatherings, there are few restrictions on the way police can later use footage obtained by a third party.

"We already see stationary cameras all across the city, feeding our data to private vendors and data brokers that are willing to sell it to the highest bidder," said Albert Fox Cahn, a privacy lawyer and executive director of Surveillance Technology Oversight Project (STOP). "There's nothing in the proposal to stop drones from taking off as the next form of surveillance capitalism."

While the FAA currently prohibits some drone flights over people without permission, Cahn warned the rule could enable a new form of mass surveillance in the nation's most densely-populated city. A private drone hovering thirty storeys in the air may capture footage through a bedroom window that could later become admissible as evidence in court, he said.

Others have raised concerns that, coupled with biometric tools like face and gait recognition technology, private corporate drone flights could give rise to even more invasive forms of data tracking.

"Billionaires and corporations have seized on new technologies like facial recognition and artificial intelligence to make record profits and discriminate against those they see as ‘undesirables,’ and the ability to take to the skies will only supercharge their surveillance capabilities," said State Senator Brad Hoylman-Sigal, a Manhattan Democrat, in a statement to Gotham Gazette. "There may be legitimate uses for unmanned aerial vehicles on an extremely limited case by case basis, but the negatives appear to outweigh the positives in New York City.”

"Should this proposed rule move forward, we would certainly discuss potential legislation to address the privacy concerns" of civil rights advocates, added Hoylman-Sigal's chief of staff, Kenan Kurt, in an email.

Hoylman, who sponsors multiple bills to regulate the use of biometric data in law enforcement, public accommodations, and housing, said "noise and annoyance" from drones is also a major concern. (The State Senator was among the critics of a popular digital app company that used 500 light-up drones to advertise in the night sky off the coast of Manhattan last fall. That stunt also raised alarms among environmentalists who said the drones could endanger migratory birds.)

Police routinely use footage from CCTV cameras in and around stores and buildings, and its Domain Awareness System has a live feed from tens of thousands of private cameras around the city. The NYPD also has a history of unlawful searches and surveillance, including the stopping-and-frisking of hundreds of thousands of mostly Black New Yorkers and spying on Muslim residents for years after September 11, 2001 (in the latter case, a judge ruled the NYPD has a “systemic inclination” to ignoring constitutional protections).

Meanwhile, the sale of personal information – everything from cell-phone location data to reading habits – has become big business in the digital age. Corporations and private data brokers use and sell personal information to track and restrict behavior, target advertising, and set prices. A recently declassified report for U.S. Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines showed federal intelligence agencies routinely use commercially available personal data – even without suspicion of a crime – that would otherwise require a warrant to obtain.

Companies like Uber, AT&T, and the Motion Picture Association of America have in the past lobbied city officials to open up the skies to private drones, according to City & State New York. A so-far unsuccessful 2018 bill sponsored by City Council Member Justin Brannan, a Brooklyn Democrat, would have allowed unmanned flights under the jurisdiction of the Department of Transportation. Brannan did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

The NYPD did not expand upon the rule's applications after inquiries by Gotham Gazette. "The City must balance the safety and privacy concerns of its citizens with the increased interest in the use of drones," a spokesperson wrote by email.

A spokesperson for Mayor Adams said the rule was reviewed by the city's Chief Privacy Officer, Michael Fitzpatrick, and referred Gotham Gazette to the statement of purpose included in the proposed rule text.

Under the proposal, applicants must apply for a permit to fly a drone in city airspace (in areas not otherwise restricted by the FAA) within 30 days of each flight. Private fliers must be insured and certified with the FAA, and will have to specify the time, site, and purpose of the flight. The NYPD may reject an application if the proposed mission violates the law, or if the drone site would be in use "for an unreasonable length of time longer than 24 hours." Permit-holders must notify the local community board and post bulletins before a flight recording video, audio, or still images.

The rule would require applicants to submit a data privacy policy but doesn't stipulate any minimum standards of protection, leaving discretion entirely within the NYPD.

"It's quite concerning that not only is that an ongoing blind spot in New York law but that it's the NYPD that's being entrusted with making these rules," Cahn said. "It's hard to imagine an agency with a worse privacy track record being entrusted with this task."

Adams' spokesperson said the NYPD would reject applications with weak data policies but wouldn't respond to concerns that the department is left to essentially police itself when it comes to ensuring footage doesn't fall into the wrong hands, including its own.

While the FAA has jurisdiction over the airspace, city law regulates the take-off and landing of aircrafts within the five boroughs and gives the police commissioner the power to make rules as they "deem necessary to enforce the provisions of this section" (the section itself, known as the Avigation Law, outlaws take-offs and landings in New York City outside airports and helipads, "except in an emergency," along with parachuting and external advertising like banners and pamphlet-dropping).

The rule has the sign-off of Steven Goulden, senior counsel in the city's Law Department, and Francisco Navarro, senior policy advisor in the Mayor's Office of Operations.

The proposed expansion comes as city and state leaders take increasing steps to expand digital surveillance in virtually every public corner of the city. Both Adams and Governor Kathy Hochul have embraced the symbol of "Big Brother," the faceless dictator in George Orwell's dystopian classic 1984 who controls the citizenry through total surveillance.

“It blows my mind how much we have not embraced technology, and part of that is because many of our electeds are afraid. Anything technology they think, ‘Oh it’s a boogeyman. It’s Big Brother watching you,’” Adams told Politico in December. “No, Big Brother is protecting you.”

“You think Big Brother’s watching you on the subways? You’re absolutely right,” Hochul said in September at a press conference announcing a plan to place security cameras in every subway car.

"Omnipresence, what a great word," said Janno Lieber, chair and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), at a press conference with Hochul and Adams in Grand Central Terminal a month later, where they announced the latest phase in a plan to flood the subway system with cameras and police officers as part of an effort to address crime and untreated mental illness.

In December, MTA New York City Transit President Richard Davey said in testimony before the City Council that the MTA was looking at integrating artificial intelligence into its video security, to "focus us in.” A spokesperson for the MTA would not elaborate on the AI under consideration, citing "security reasons" to Gotham Gazette. By January, the NYPD was receiving live feeds from 5,100 of the MTA's 11,500 security cameras with footage from the rest accessible remotely, according to an MTA spokesperson at the time.

More recently, Adams came under fire after he announced the relaunch of K-9-style police robots, known as "Digidogs," and another autonomous surveillance android, the K-5 – two years after the NYPD backed off the program following a public backlash. That announcement, in April, was criticized for apparently circumventing the POST Act, a city law that requires new police technologies to first go through a public review process.

***
by Ethan Geringer-Sameth, reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

Initial 2023 New York City Primary Election Results


 

At the polls (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography Office)


Initial New York City primary election results are in for City Council, District Attorney, and other races on the ballot in this off-year, low-turnout election.

Among the top headlines of the primary are the apparent wins by Yusef Salaam in the open Democratic primary for Harlem's 9th City Council District and Susan Zhuang in the open Democratic primary for the new 43rd City Council District in South Brooklyn; and the lead by challenger Chris Banks in the 42nd City Council District Democratic primary over incumbent Council Member Charles Barron.

The entire 51-seat City Council is again up for election this year given the decennial Census and redistricting process, just two years after the last set of contests when most Council seats turned over due to term limits.

Now, in 49 of the 51 seats an incumbent is seeking reelection — the exceptions being the 9th and 43rd districts. Many incumbents either have nominal or no competition, whether in the primary, the general, or both. But, there were dozens of primary contests, including several competitive races where incumbents faced stiff challenges and the two open seats with robust primaries — including both a Democratic and Republican primary in the new 43rd. (There will be somewhere around ten potentially competitive general election races set to unfold between now and November.)

Meanwhile, both Queens District Attorney Melinda Katz and Bronx District Attorney Darcel Clark were on the ballot and faced spirited Democratic primary challenges (Katz from her right, Clark from her left), but both are set to win their nominations handily.

As is virtually always the case in New York City, most of the primary election action was on the Democratic side, though there were a handful of Republican primaries and the GOP has been somewhat ascendent in recent years in certain parts of the city, with hopes to hold and add to 2021 gains in the City Council this year. There are currently 45 Democrats and 6 Republicans in the Council, though several conservative Democrats are often more aligned with their GOP colleagues.

There were no primaries at all on Staten Island.

As expected, turnout is very low across the city, though some City Council districts saw far stronger voter participation than others.

Along with City Council and District Attorney primaries, there were also district leader, civil court, judicial delegate, and other positions on the ballot.

Not all results are in yet: some absentee ballots are still arriving, and the New York City Board of Elections will tabulate ranked-choice voting results where applicable beginning July 5.

In the two years since the current class of Council members was seated, districts have been redrawn to accommodate an increase in the city’s population and a series of more specific demographic shifts. Some districts saw few changes and others saw drastic ones, while an entirely new “Asian opportunity” district (Council District 43) was created in South Brooklyn as part of the response to the new population data.

That and Council District 9, based in Harlem, are the only two seats without incumbents seeking reelection — Council Member Kristin Richardson Jordan dropped out of the District 9 race as she faced three prominent challengers in the Democratic primary, including Salaam, the apparent victor, and two sitting Assembly members, Inez Dickens and Al Taylor.

Though all 51 Council seats are up for election this year, there are only 24 primary races. While there are 50 incumbents seeking reelection this year, after redistricting two are now running the same district, the new 47th Council District in Brooklyn. There, Democratic Council Member Justin Brannan and Republican Council Member Ari Kagan are now set for what will be a bruising general election battle after Brannan was unchallenged in the primary and Kagan won his by a wide margin.

The City Council party primaries with more than two candidates all use ranked-choice voting, which allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference up to five. This is only the second time that the new voting method is being put to use after it was introduced for the 2021 citywide election. It only comes into play in deciding the result if there are more than two candidates and if no candidate wins more than 50% of first-place votes in the initial tally — in that case, an “instant runoff” occurs where some voters’ second choices (and perhaps third and beyond) begin to matter and a cycle of elimination unfolds.

Here is where the District Attorney and City Council primary races stand based on Board of Elections reporting as of 11 p.m. Tuesday night:

Bronx District Attorney - Democratic
Incumbent Democratic DA Darcel Clark is ahead of challenger Tess Cohen, 73%-27%.

Queens District Attorney - Democratic
Incumbent Democratic DA Melinda Katz is ahead of her two challengers with about 71% of the vote.

City Council

District 1 - Manhattan - Democratic
City Council Member Christopher Marté is winning with about 63% of the vote over several challengers; Susan Lee is in second with about 30%. 

District 2 - Manhattan - Democratic
City Council Member Carlina Rivera is winning with about 60% of the vote against challenger Allie Ryan, who has about 39%.

District 9 - Manhattan - Democratic
Council Member Kristin Richardson Jordan dropped out of the race but not before her name would be certain to appear on the primary ballot.

Yusef Salaam is winning with about 50% of the vote, followed by Assemblymember Inez Dickens with 25%, Assemblymember Al Taylor with 14.5%, and Richardson Jordan with about 9.5%. The race could go to a ranked-choice instant runoff if Salaam's percentage of first-place votes slips to 50% or under. That will not be known until all eligible ballots are tallied.

District 10 - Manhattan - Democratic
Council Member Carmen De La Rosa is winning with about 85% of the vote.

District 12 - The Bronx - Democratic
Council Member Kevin Riley is winning with about 82% of the vote.

District 13 - The Bronx
Democratic
Council Member Marjorie Velázquez is winning with 66% of the vote over three challengers.

Republican
Kristy Marmorato and George Havranek are in a tight race for the GOP nomination. 

District 14 - The Bronx - Democratic
Council Member Pierina Sanchez is winning with about 76% of the vote.

District 19 - Queens - Democratic
Tony Avella, Christopher Bae, and Paul Graziano are in a tight race for the Democratic nomination.

Republican City Council Member Vickie Palladino did not face a primary challenge and now awaits the Democratic nominee, in what could be a potential rematch of 2021 with Avella, the former Council member and state senator.

District 20 - Queens - Republican
Yu-Ching James Pai leads with about 57% of the vote and appears set to win the Republican nomination.

Democratic Council Member Sandra Ung did not face a primary challenger. 

District 22 - Queens - Democratic
Council Member Tiffany Cabán is winning with about 86% of the vote.

District 23 - Queens - Democratic
Council Member Linda Lee is winning with about 63% of the vote over Steve Behar's 29% and Rubaiya Rahman's 7%. 

District 25 - Queens - Democratic
Council Member Shekar Krishnan is winning with about 64% of the vote over two challengers.

District 26 - Queens - Democratic
Council Member Julie Won is winning with about 61% over Hailie Kim's 38%. 

District 29 - Queens - Democratic
Council Member Lynn Schulman is winning with about 54% of the vote over Ethan Felder's 35% and Sukhjinder Singh's 11%.

District 34 - Brooklyn - Democratic
Council Member Jennifer Gutierrez is winning with more than 81% of the vote.

District 41 - Brooklyn - Democratic
Council Member Darlene Mealy is winning with about 61.5% over Isis McIntosh Green's 29.5% and two other challengers.

District 42 - Brooklyn - Democratic
Chris Banks is winning with about 50.5% over Council Member Charles Barron's 43% and Jamilah Rose's 5%.

District 43 - Brooklyn
Democratic
Susan Zhuang is winning with 59% over Wai-Yee Chan's 31% and Stanley Ng's 9.5%.

Republican
Vito LaBella and Ying Tan are in a close race for the GOP nomination. 

District 44 - Brooklyn - Republican
Council Member Kalman Yeger, unchallenged in the Democratic primary, is in a close race for the Republican nomination with Heshy Tischler.

District 47 - Brooklyn - Republican
Council Member Ari Kagan is winning with about 75% of the vote over two opponents.

Council Member Justin Brannan, a Democrat who represents the old District 43, saw his political base in Bay Ridge redrawn into the new District 47, where he is seeking reelection without facing a primary challenger. Kagan and Brannan will now face off in what will be among the most competitive general election contests in the city.

District 48 - Brooklyn - Republican
Council Member Inna Vernikov is winning with about 71% of the vote.

***
by Ben Max, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

Max Politics Podcast: Comptroller Brad Lander on City Budget Negotiations


Comptroller Brad Lander at City Hall (photo: Office of the NYC Comptroller)


June 27, 2023 - Max Politics Podcast: Comptroller Brad Lander on City Budget Negotiations

NYC Comptroller Brad Lander joined the show to discuss city budget negotiations, the items he's most focused on as Mayor Adams and the City Council craft the new budget, the city's economic and fiscal health, and more.

Listen to the conversation and let us know what you think, on Twitter @TweetBenMax. You can listen to the show through the embedded audio below or download the episode wherever you get your podcasts at Max Politics.

Read more: Max Politics Podcast: Comptroller Brad Lander on City Budget Negotiations

15 Things to Watch as a New City Budget is Negotiated


Mayor Adams & Speaker Adams announce a budget agreement, June 2022 (photo: Ed Reed/Mayor's Office)


As the July 1 deadline looms for New York City’s budget for the 2024 fiscal year, Mayor Eric Adams and the New York City Council must resolve major differences over what will be a roughly $110 billion spending plan.

This year’s budget also closely coincides with this month’s primary elections, which has many City Council members on the ballot and may be delaying a final agreement until just before the start of the new fiscal year.

Among the series of disputes between the two sides of City Hall that are central to city budget negotiations include how much revenue the city will have at its disposal, how much to spend and save in reserve, potential restoration of specific funding cuts Mayor Adams made during a mid-fiscal year budget modification last November, the mayor’s proposals for additional targeted cuts into next fiscal year, and much more.

The City Council is also focused on how to ensure that the mayoral administration improves its personnel retention and hiring practices as more than 20,000 budgeted vacancies remain across city agencies as a number of vital services suffer.

Spending and Saving
Negotiations are based on the proposed $106.7 billion executive budget that Adams put forward in April, the largest in the city’s history. It was a $4 billion increase over his February preliminary budget, in large part due to new labor contracts, but roughly $2.2 billion lower than the projected $108.9 billion in spending for the current fiscal year.

As the city continues to settle municipal labor contracts, the administration allocated about $16 billion from the current fiscal year through fiscal year 2027, accounting for a significant uptick in spending for the next fiscal year. The increased spending is also attributed to the significant costs of the migrant asylum-seeker crisis that continues to confound the Adams administration and stress the budget.

The mayor has continued to institute a Program to Eliminate the Gap (PEG) to slow spending increases and find efficiencies at city agencies, but future budget gaps remain large – $4.2 billion in fiscal year 2025, $6 billion in fiscal year 2026, and $7 billion in fiscal year 2027 as of the executive budget.

Facing criticism over several PEG iterations that have required savings across city agencies, the mayor did not impose any additional cuts at the public library system or the Department of Cultural Affairs. He also reduced the PEG target from 4% for several agencies whose services would have been adversely affected, including the fire department, the sanitation department, the parks department, the Human Resources Administration and homeless services department, and the Department of Youth and Community Development.

But the mayor did not undo cuts imposed in previous iterations of the budget that have already gone into effect — for instance at the city libraries, parks department, and CUNY — and have rankled many critics, forming the basis for negotiations over funding restoration that members of the City Council have in mind as part of the new budget.

The mayor’s budget plan also sets aside about $8 billion in reserves, including $1.2 billion in the general reserve, $2 billion in the Rainy Day Fund, $4.58 billion in the Retiree Health Benefits Trust fund, and $250 million in the Capital Stabilization Fund.

The proposed capital budget for infrastructure is also the largest in city history, with $164.8 billion allocated to the 2024-2033 ten-year capital strategy — a separate but related piece of budget negotiations. The city’s operating budget includes billions of dollars in annual debt service to pay down the costs of the capital program that funds new schools, parks, climate projects, and more.

Though there has been some good news for the city, as tax revenues came in $2.1 billion higher than expected for the current fiscal year, and projected revenues for fiscal year 2024 are $2.3 billion higher than previous expectations  – the mayor’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and fiscal experts predict an eventual economic slowdown than will lead to lower revenue in the years to come.

On the other hand, the Council, especially its Progressive Caucus, and citywide officials like Comptroller Brad Lander and Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, are calling for deeper investments in the social safety net and warning against even modest cuts across a number of agencies and programs.

“Since day one, Mayor Adams has focused on making upstream investments to help New Yorkers who need them most, while exercising strong fiscal management,” a City Hall spokesperson said in a statement. “In last year’s Adopted Budget, we were able to reach an early handshake deal with the Council that included record levels of reserves and funding for key priorities to make our city safer, fairer, and more prosperous. In this year’s negotiations, we are looking forward to building on that progress while ensuring we are being realistic about the fiscal and economic challenges we face. The most effective way for the City Council to ensure we can continue funding shared priorities and services that keep New York City clean and safe is to work with us toward an early or on-time budget, and we look forward to that continued partnership in the coming days.”

The mayor and Council must look further than just the next fiscal year, cautioned Andrew Rein, president of Citizens Budget Commission, a nonprofit fiscal watchdog.

“The straight ahead situation is there is going to be some money in the pocket for the city to have in the short-term, and in the long-term, the budget gaps – especially when you add on the risks, and these aren't just notional risks, these are real – are huge,” said Rein. He added that budget gaps are likely understated because of major fiscal cliffs, including under-budgeted costs of overtime and special education spending, and the cost of expanded rental assistance vouchers, to name a few. “Seven months from now, the mayor has to propose a budget that, as I look at it now, might be having to close a $7 billion gap,” Rein said.

He cautioned against adding more spending for the 2024 fiscal year, which will only lead to larger gaps in the future. “The problem is right now we're building the cliffs bigger…We’ve gone from what used to be the budget dance of [possible cuts to] culturals and libraries to the cliff dance, which is a much more dangerous game.”

Meanwhile, the City Council, nonprofit groups, and progressive advocates have all said the city needs to be spending more for the people who need it most. They have been broadly critical of the mayor’s budget priorities, decrying what they see as unnecessary cuts and misplaced priorities, with core city services for the most vulnerable New Yorkers already hurt. The Council, in its response to the executive budget, identified about $1.8 billion in additional revenue between the current and next fiscal year over OMB’s projections, citing those numbers in opposing the mayor’s cuts. OMB Director Jacques Jiha has, however, continued to argue that the city cannot afford to keep adding spending since the money may not be there in the next fiscal year and beyond, migrant costs are escalating and uncertain, and there are already large budget gaps to close.

At a news conference on June 22, City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams said the brunt of negotiations had to do with restoring enacted and proposed cuts. “It's an uphill battle given what we're up against...and trying to restore things that in essence were taken away from New Yorkers. Services were taken away, promises of other things to be taken away are on the table," she said. “We are adamant about going through these negotiations with true intent to try to preserve as much as we can.”

Asked about the main points of contention with City Hall, a spokesperson for the speaker referred Gotham Gazette back to her comments.

Progressive advocates have similarly been pushing back against the many cuts the mayor has proposed. “With less than 10 days before the budget is voted on, Mayor Adams has still not conceded to rolling back his most unpopular cuts; cuts to CUNY, 3K, libraries, and housing and social services,” said Zara Nasir, coordinator of The People’s Plan, a progressive advocacy coalition, in a text message. “Even congressional democrats today in a letter to the Mayor agreed that care, not cuts, are a must in our next city budget. Our coalition is laser focused on pushing for as many concessions from the Mayor on these resources that New Yorkers rely on. The Mayor should do the smart thing and restore these crucial services.”

As Nasir noted, Democratic Reps. Jerry Nadler, Nydia Velazquez, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Jamaal Bowman wrote to the mayor last week, urging him to reverse course. “Some of the cuts proposed in your administration’s executive budget are relatively small but troublingly short-sighted,” they wrote, as first reported by the New York Daily News. The letter was also signed by Public Advocate Williams, Comptroller Lander,  Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso, and 17 Democratic state legislators.

On Friday, the mayor vetoed a package of bills passed by the City Council that were aimed at easing access to housing for people experiencing or threatened by homelessness, setting up yet another contentious battle with the Council. The mayor explained, in part, that the costs of the bills would add too much additional spending to the strained budget. It was just the second veto Adams has issued in his 18-month tenure – his predecessor, Bill de Blasio, didn’t veto a single bill in his eight years in office – and prompted a sharp rebuke from Speaker Adams, who said the Council is prepared to override it.

According to Mia McDonald, New York political manager at the progressive Working Families Party, the veto was just the most recent in a string of bad decisions by the mayor, along with the proposed cuts to education and social services, and his failure to tackle the municipal vacancy crisis. “All of these things are just piling on top of each other and we feel that he's really failed to govern,” she said in an interview.

Migrant Costs
Over the last year, more than 78,700 asylum-seekers have arrived in the city, with about 48,700 of them still under the city’s care. The administration has repeatedly estimated that the cost of providing shelter and other services to migrants will reach about $4.3 billion by the end of next fiscal year, and that the federal and state governments need to provide much-needed aid to the city.

There have been competing estimates, however, with the Independent Budget Office predicting in an analysis in May that the crisis will cost the city between $2.7 billion and $3.7 billion and Comptroller Lander estimating the costs at about $4 billion.

The state budget approved in May included about $1 billion in aid over two years to cover 29% of the city’s cost of sheltering migrants, the same percentage the state covers of other homeless shelter costs, but the federal government has sent limited financial assistance so far. The mayor’s executive budget is relying on both to cover additional costs past the 2024 fiscal year, after which the city faces a significant fiscal cliff if it does not receive any more aid.

Personnel and Vacancies
The administration continues to struggle to tackle a vacancy crisis across city government as well, which has affected the ability of many city agencies to fulfill their core responsibilities.

When the mayor released his preliminary budget in January, he undertook a vacancy reduction initiative that eliminated roughly 4,300 positions to reduce spending by about $350 million annually. At the time, there were still close to 23,000 budgeted vacancies left unfilled, and the mayor has taken some steps to speed up hiring and attract workers to city government, though critics say he acted far too slowly and did not take sufficient efforts to tackle the crisis. Comptroller Lander even noted in a December report that early steps taken by the administration had exacerbated the problem.

"I think, first and foremost...we have to fill those vacancies," said Council Finance Chair Brannan, in a recent podcast interview with Gotham Gazette discussing the Council's priorities and city budget negotiations, "because we had two weeks of hearings where just about every commissioner alluded to the fact that they're struggling because of vacancies, and then you have OMB come in and say, 'you know, these aren't the droids you're looking for, and these PEGs had minimal impact.'"

Brannan agreed, though, that the massive number of vacancies and their impact on services is more of a management than budgeting issue, and he is among the Council members pushing for the mayoral administration to speed the pace at which it is reevaluating personnel policies to allow some remote work, increase salaries, and make other changes to increase hiring and retention.

It remains to be seen whether the mayor will continue to try to shrink the municipal workforce, or “right size” it, as he has called it, to create a more efficient government. The city currently has about 301,000 full-time and full-time equivalent workers. The budget adopted last year had an authorized headcount of 334,453 for the current fiscal year which has since decreased to 329,962. The mayor’s latest budget proposal sets that number at 327,948 — a workforce size the city has almost no chance to actually hit next fiscal year, even if budgeted, given its challenges with recruitment and retention.

State Budget Effects
Due to delays in passage of the state budget, the mayor’s executive budget was created without being able to account for several state funding streams and cost shifts. The city is set to receive the $1 billion in migrant funding as well as additional funds for prosecutors, public defenders, and the implementation of discovery reform. The state budget also included a new pot of rent relief funding for NYCHA tenants behind on their payments, which will help solidify the public housing authority’s bottom line.

The state budget also included an MTA rescue plan – which includes state assistance, additional funds to improve subway service and to create a free bus pilot in each borough – that requires the city to pitch in an additional $165 million annually to the MTA on top of the $2.4 billion it already contributes directly every year. 

Between the MTA contribution and about $340 million in cuts to Medicaid matching funds, the city is expecting to take a half-billion-dollar annual hit from the state budget.

[Read: How Mayor Adams' Albany Agenda Fared in the New State Budget]

Education
Education funding is likely to be a contentious issue considering last year’s dust up between the mayor and the City Council over school cuts made by the Department of Education. Though the Council voted to approve them as part of the administration’s overall education spending plan (in which overall education funding was up) at the time the budget was adopted last June, members later felt they had been misled by the DOE about cuts to individual schools over decreased student enrollment, and sought to reverse the blow, even unsuccessfully suing the administration for it.

In the mayor’s executive budget released in April, the DOE saw a cut of about $778 million for the next fiscal year compared to the last budget modification in November. Those cuts stem from a number of factors including the mayor’s attempt to ‘right-size’ school budgets as enrollment has declined, his decision to scrap the expansion of the 3-K program, and federal relief funding that is running out.

The mayor and Schools Chancellor David Banks announced last month that they will not cut any school budgets for the start of the new 2023-24 school year, but they left open the possibility that there could be mid-year funding adjustments, either up or down, after enrollment numbers are tallied.

The City Council has already made it clear that they will not brook any further cuts to education. In its preliminary budget response, the Council pushed the mayor to restore $388.1 million in education funding to cover everything from early childhood education, expanded 3-K, pay parity for early childhood education providers, expanded Career and Technical Education, community schools, afterschool programs, and more.

“Early Childhood Education is a huge priority for this council,” said Council Member Brannan, in the June 8 appearance on Gotham Gazette’s Max Politics podcast. “We are very concerned with the fact that there are so many open 3K seats. I think that speaks to some sort of disconnect in the outreach to connect families with those seats. I just cannot imagine that there's 30,000 families in the city of New York who wouldn't love to have a 3K seat for their kid.”

The Council has also pushed back against cuts at CUNY, which has seen its funding drop by about $155 million in the current fiscal year, according to a Council analysis, leading to 235 faculty and staff positions being lost. The mayor’s executive budget would impose another $41 million in cuts annually over the next three fiscal years, largely impacting the CUNY community colleges that the city is mostly responsible for funding while the state supports the senior colleges (and both sets of schools also rely on tuition payments and other sources of revenue).

Adams has also justified CUNY cuts based on decreased enrollment — there were sharp drops during the pandemic, especially at the community colleges, though the Council has helped spearhead efforts to re-enroll many of the students who left the system and wants to keep investing in those efforts.

“Inconsistent state and city funding, unstable tuition revenues, the expiration of federal pandemic aid, and rising costs due to inflation pose serious challenges to CUNY’s finances,” the Council’s May report reads. “For CUNY to remain the world class educational, research, and workforce development institution that New Yorkers need and deserve, the City must restore planned cuts and work with the State to establish more reliable funding streams for the university system.”

Fair Fares Expansion
As the MTA considers increasing the bus and subway fare from $2.75 to $2.90 this year, the City Council and transit advocates are pushing for the expansion of the city’s Fair Fares program, which provides half-priced MetroCards to low-income New Yorkers.

The Council has proposed expanding eligibility for the program to New Yorkers with incomes up to 200% of the federal poverty level, or about $60,000 for a family of four, up from the current threshold of 100% of the poverty level. Roughly 280,000 New Yorkers are enrolled in the program, which is funded at about $75 million annually. The Council’s expansion would require an additional $61.5 million each year and make about 1 million New Yorkers eligible for the benefit.

Cuts to Senior Services
The mayor and City Council have introduced dueling proposals over meal programs for seniors, with the mayor seeking to cut funding based on a less than anticipated appetite for the service and the Council pushing to raise spending. The divergence is emblematic of many other budget battles where the mayor is responding to lower enrollment or uptake while the Council wants to keep or expand funding in order to entice more participants and meet the needs of the most vulnerable.

The mayor's latest spending plan cuts the Home-Delivered Meal Program budget by $5 million and meals in senior centers by $7 million in the next fiscal year and $5.5 million in the outyears.

In total, the executive budget would reduce the Department for the Aging's senior center and meals funding by roughly $18 million.

The Council, on the other hand, is seeking to expand home-delivered meals by $18 million and add $51 million for senior centers, including for congregate meals and outreach.

Cuts to Jail Programs
Adams is proposing to end a $17 million program that offers a range of group sessions in city jails as part of the 4% PEG announced in April. Providers say the program, which includes classes, counseling, and reentry services, helps reduce violence in jails and recidivism. Contracts for the current program expire June 30. The Department of Correction has said they can provide similar services in-house without the outside contract.

On Thursday, the Council's Criminal Justice Chair, Carlina Rivera, Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, and others joined service-providers The Fortune Society and Osborne Association to call for the programs to be preserved.

The Council is also seeking nearly $58 million for Justice Involved Supportive Housing, which offers housing and social services for people cycling through the jail and shelter systems.

Police Spending
The executive budget allocates $10.8 billion to the NYPD between the department's operating budget and centralized costs, according to an analysis from Citizens Budget Commission.

While that proposed funding remains relatively flat with the current fiscal year 2023 budget, CBC estimates both budgets fall short of actual spending because they fail to account for excessive overtime costs and a new collective bargaining agreement with the Police Benevolent Association. On June 15, Adams announced another tentative contract agreement with 11 uniformed unions, including four police unions, that will cost the city roughly $4 billion over five years.

The size of the NYPD budget has been a particular flashpoint in city budget negotiations in recent years, including a focus on its overtime spending, which routinely balloons well beyond the adopted budget allocation. Mayor Adams has expressed few qualms about those runaway OT costs, saying he will not put a cap on public safety.

“We care about responsible budgeting, and the fiscal health of our city, and allowing an agency’s overtime spending to routinely go beyond its budgeted amount year after year is not responsible budgeting," said Council Speaker Adams at a press conference after the executive budget was released.

The fiscal year 2024 executive budget allocates uniformed police overtime spending at $372 million, the same as the previous year's adopted budget. A report from Comptroller Lander's office estimates that figure will underestimate uniformed overtime by $278 million in the next fiscal year. By comparison, the April spending plan increased uniform overtime spending to $598 million (again, from $372 million at adoption) with the comptroller's office estimating it will reach $725 million by the end of the fiscal year later this month.

According to the report, police civilian overtime is expected to be $37 million over budget by the end of the current fiscal year, and $20 million over what is included in the executive budget for the next fiscal year.

Overtime Spending
The NYPD isn't the only city agency with overtime spending, but it is by far the biggest.

In total, the fiscal year 2024 executive budget includes a total overtime budget of $1.26 billion, a drop from the $1.94 billion budgeted in fiscal year 2023, according to the comptroller's office, which estimates the total price tag will reach $2.23 billion. Lander has attributed the increase to greater NYPD deployments, including a plan last fall to surge officers into the subway system, and on other agencies relying on overtime to fill gaps caused by staff vacancies.

Like the NYPD, other uniformed workforces are also expected to exceed the mayor's proposed overtime budget in fiscal year 2024, including the FDNY and Department of Correction, according to Lander. Civilian overtime is on track to reach $680 million this fiscal year, "at least" in line with fiscal year 2022 spending ($660 million) if not greater.

The comptroller projects total overtime to exceed the current executive budget allocation by more than half-a-billion dollars in fiscal year 2024.

Parks
At $610.4 million, the proposed operating budget for city parks falls just short of 0.6% of the overall executive budget, significantly lower than the 1% advocates have sought and Mayor Adams promised on the campaign trail in 2021. The proposed funding is higher than Adams' preliminary budget proposal in January, but roughly $37 million lower than spending for the current fiscal year.

Facing shortages of key staff, including lifeguards and tree-pruners, the executive budget adds 112 budgeted positions from the January plan – far less than the 1,000 new roles sought by the Council at a cost of approximately $46 million.

Human Services COLA
Nonprofit human services providers contracted by the city are seeking a 6.5% cost-of-living adjustment (COLA), or roughly $200 million, according to the Human Services Council, an association of providers, in the next fiscal year. This funding would largely go toward increased wages for human services workers who run city-contracted safety net programs.

Adams' preliminary budget included $60 million for the providers, who operate myriad services from meals for seniors to homeless shelters and more. The City Council, in its response to that spending plan, sought to double that funding to $120 million, but less than the $200 million providers are seeking as part of a campaign known as "Just Pay." The executive budget didn't budge on Adams' preliminary figure, leading providers to halt non-lifesaving services for a day in May to demonstrate the impact of the lower COLA.

[Read: 'A Day Without Human Services': Nonprofits Protest Lack of City Funding]

“Our City’s human services workers, primarily made up of women of color, provide essential services to New Yorkers but are woefully underpaid," wrote a City Council spokesperson in an email to Gotham Gazette. "It is a priority of the Council's to advance a multi-year plan that provides overdue pay increases for this workforce. Budget negotiations are ongoing, and we hope the Administration will agree in supporting our human services workers.”

The spokesperson would not say what specific dollar amount the Council was seeking but noted a COLA of 6.5% in the next fiscal year, and 5.5% and 4.5% in the subsequent years, would keep nonprofit pay increases in line with contracts recently negotiated with District Council 37, the largest municipal employees union. The Council recently called for a COLA in a Twitter post from its official account with the hashtag "#JustPay."

A parallel fight in the state budget earlier this year resulted in a 4% COLA for state-contracted providers, higher than the 2.5% proposed by Governor Kathy Hochul but less than the 8.5% advocates had sought in Albany.

The Council is also seeking an additional $117.4 million for mental health services as part of a push for pay parity for the contracted behavioral health workforce. The mayor's executive budget added a fraction of that, $40 million, for B-HEARD, a crisis response program, youth telehealth programs, clubhouses, and a digital hub to access services.

Rental Assistance Vouchers and Housing
In May, the City Council passed a package of bills to expand eligibility and loosen restrictions on a city-subsidized rental voucher, known as City FHEPS, that helps low-income New Yorkers access market-rate apartments. The package, recently vetoed by Mayor Adams despite passing with a veto-proof majority, would eliminate a rule requiring individuals to stay in a shelter for 90 days before becoming eligible for vouchers, expand eligibility to people at risk of eviction, remove income and employment requirements, and limit utility spending for voucher-holders.

Speaker Adrienne Adams and other Council members have pledged to override the veto, arguing the changes would help low-income New Yorkers find homes amid an affordable housing shortage and alleviate pressure on the city's shelter system, which has seen record high usage in part due to the influx of asylum-seekers over the past year.

The Adams administration estimates it could cost the city $17 billion over the next five years. The Council estimates the net cost to be lower, $10.6 billion over five years, which accounts for annual shelter savings of $402 million. Another analysis from Community Service Society, a nonprofit focused on economic mobility that supports the reforms, estimates the package will save the shelter system $5.6 billion over five years for a net cost to the city of $3 billion.

The executive budget includes baseline funding of $133.4 million for rental assistance programs, a number likely to increase throughout the year. In the current fiscal year, the city had budgeted $700 million for rental assistance, a majority of which ($570 million) will go to City FHEPS, according to a Council spokesperson.

In June, Adams eliminated the 90-day rule by executive action, while adding additional employment requirements, in an apparent attempt to placate the Council and advocates. Council leaders have indicated the measure falls short and strongly opposed the new requirements, further setting up the potential veto-override as budget negotiations unfold.

At the same time, housing advocates and members of the City Council have objected to Mayor Adams’ proposed cuts to the city's affordable housing agency amid the city’s ongoing housing crisis and the mayor's "moonshot" goal to build 500,000 homes over the next decade.

The executive budget includes $1.35 billion in operating funds for The Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD), the agency responsible for affordable housing creation and preservation. While an increase from the fiscal year 2023 adopted budget, the allocation would represent a cut of $95.7 million from current HPD spending. The City Council is calling for an additional $318.3 million for affordable housing, and economic and workforce development.

The Capital Budget
Separate from the proposed expense budget is the capital budget, which pays for long-term infrastructure projects and includes more than $10 billion in allocations each year. The proposed capital budget in the mayor's latest spending plan is $164.8 billion over the next decade.

The plan includes $627 million for NYCHA in the next fiscal year and roughly $1.8 billion for HPD to create and preserve affordable housing. The Council has called for more housing spending, including $3.3 billion for affordable housing preservation and construction in its preliminary budget response.

The Council is also seeking greater capital funding for a host of other priorities including $400 million for energy-efficiency upgrades in schools, $240 million more for libraries, $200 million for H+H care centers, and millions more for surveillance cameras for the departments of Sanitation and Parks, meal-delivery vans for the Department for the Aging.

***
by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

***
by Ethan Geringer-Sameth, reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

After Incumbent Drops Reelection Bid, Wide Open Harlem City Council Race to be Decided This Month


 

(l-r) Al Taylor, Inez Dickens, Yusef Salaam


New York City voters are now heading to the polls in this month’s City Council primary elections, where dozens of districts are home to intraparty contests that will determine nominees for the fall general election. All 51 Council seats are on the ballot this year, though not every district has a primary race, after the decennial Census and subsequent redistricting.

One of the most hotly contested primary races is in Harlem’s 9th Council District, where three prominent Democratic candidates are vying to replace City Council Member Kristin Richardson Jordan, who unexpectedly dropped out of the race a month before the election. The winner of the ranked-choice primary vote will face the lone Republican contender in the general election in this overwhelmingly Democratic district.

City Council District 9 covers Central Harlem, as well as sections of the Hamilton Heights and East Harlem neighborhoods. It is home to about 177,000 people, of whom 49.2% are Black, 26% Hispanic, 15.3% white, and 4.2% Asian, according to data from CUNY Graduate Center’s “Redistricting & You” project.

The full Council is again on the ballot just two years after the previous election cycle in 2021, when Richardson Jordan defeated Council Member Bill Perkins, who recently passed away, by a razor-thin margin in what was a very crowded and competitive Democratic primary. The socialist Richardson Jordan quickly became a lightning rod on a number of issues and controversies, inviting primary challengers who then drove her from the race.

In this year’s election, the 9th District is again seen as one of the most competitive races in the city — the Democratic field includes two sitting State Assembly members, Al Taylor and Inez Dickens, and Yusef Salaam, a member of the exonerated Central Park Five. (Skiboky Stora, the sole Republican candidate, has run for several offices before with little success and does not appear to be running much of a campaign for this seat.)

“Unfortunately I am writing this to inform you that I have decided not to seek re-election and not to commit to another two years,” Richardson Jordan announced to constituents and voters in a May 14 Instagram post. “I want to thank all those who have stood in solidarity and all volunteers for your time and hard work. I look forward to finishing out this term.”

Richardson Jordan’s victory in the 2021 election came as a surprise to many, when as a political newcomer, she narrowly defeated Perkins, a veteran politician who had represented District 9 from 1998 to 2005 and returned to the seat in 2017 after 10 years in the State Senate.

She described herself as a democratic socialist, and won the 2021 race on a platform of “radical love,” defunding the police, and bringing more resources to the community. She had campaigned and raised money for her reelection bid before dropping out, a decision that came amid criticism over her approach to housing development, particularly the failed One45 proposal, her poor attendance record at Council hearings, an apparent lack of collegiality with government colleagues, and other controversies, including comments she made about police officers who were killed in her district and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Given she dropped out of the race so close to the primary, her name still appears on the ballot.

Early voting began Saturday, June 17, and runs through Sunday, June 25; primary day is Tuesday, June 27. Absentee balloting by mail is ongoing. Under ranked-choice voting that was instituted in the city for municipal-level positions in special and party primary elections, voters can rank candidates by preference. If no candidate receives over 50% of first-place votes on the initial round, an “instant runoff” occurs using voters’ subsequent rankings.

With that system in mind, Salaam and Taylor cross-endorsed each other on Tuesday, June 13, asking voters to rank them first and second, in whichever order the voter prefers. Dickens, a former City Council member, responded by rolling out the endorsement of Mayor Eric Adams on Thursday, June 15. The political dynamics of the race are even more complex and interesting — for example, Salaam has the backing of Manhattan Democratic County Party leader Keith Wright, a former Assemblymember whose son is running Salaam’s campaign against two long-time uptown politicians who Wright knows well.

Among other forums and candidate appearances, Dickens, Salaam, and Taylor all appeared at a candidates’ forum hosted by The Greater Harlem Coalition on April 27 that was attended by more than 300 Harlem residents and the three candidates sat for a televised debate on Spectrum News NY1 on June 13.

According to the New York City Campaign Finance Board, the total amount campaign funds raised by each candidate from private donations and the city’s public matching funds program as of June 20 were: $215,033 for Dickens, $212,806 for Taylor, $194,913 for Salaam, and $5,950 for Stora. (Richardson Jordan raised $100,341 before she dropped out of the race.)

District Issues
Dickens served as the Council member for District 9 before leaving her seat early to head to the Assembly just ahead of hitting her consecutive term limit in the Council. She now represents much of the same area in the overlapping State Assembly 70th District. Taylor is the current representative for the State Assembly’s 71st District — located directly adjacent to Dickens’ district and covering the northernmost section of Harlem, as well as parts of nearby neighborhoods.

Unlike other areas of the city, District 9 was minimally impacted by last year’s redistricting process, with total and per-demographic population changes not exceeding a one percent difference from the previous district boundaries. Harlem itself has been changing over the years, of course, and the traditional seat of Black culture and political power has become less Black and more white and Hispanic.

Issues dominating the Democratic primary in this year’s election include housing, gentrification, and development; public safety and policing; quality-of-life concerns; and more. And while Dickens and Taylor pitch experience, Salaam is looking to appeal to voters interested in a generational shift in leadership.

A central topic at the Greater Harlem Coalition candidates’ forum was the presence and saturation of overdose prevention, drug treatment, and shelter facilities in Harlem, which is home to two safe injection sites, the first and only such facilities in the United States. Using data obtained from the city by the coalition, WNYC found that 75% of those visiting overdose prevention clinics in Harlem came from elsewhere in the city.

All three candidates at the forum — Dickens, Salaam, and Taylor — said that while they support overdose prevention clinics, residents of Harlem are being overburdened by their saturation, and that a more equal distribution across the city is necessary. In the State Assembly, Dickens and Taylor have both co-sponsored a bill (A338A), which would fully authorize overdose prevention centers in New York state, paving the way for more centers to be opened across the city.

Other issues brought up during the forum were the impact of homeless shelters on Randall’s and Wards Islands — the islands, home to large shelter complexes, are only accessible by a single bus, the M35, that terminates at the Harlem intersection of 125th Street and Lexington Avenue. According to the forum’s moderators, this has resulted in many unhoused individuals congregating in the neighborhood without having access to the resources they need. All three candidates pledged to work toward bringing more resources to shelters on Randall’s and Wards Islands.

The candidates also spoke about their plans for increasing the supply of affordable housing in the district, the impact of gentrification, and the One45 mixed-use housing development proposal, which was met by staunch opposition from Council Member Richardson Jordan. The site of the One45 project, which was scrapped due to Richardson Jordan’s objections, especially around its levels of affordable housing, was later converted into a truck depot.

The project was recently revived, though, with a new proposal from the developer. Criticism over Richardson Jordan’s failure to negotiate a deal to allow new housing in the district was a major episode in her first year in office and contributor to her eventual decision to not seek reelection. Dickens, Taylor, and Salaam all indicate they would handle such situations better and be able to get to a good deal for the community.

Inez Dickens
Dickens was born in Harlem and has lived in the neighborhood her entire life, the daughter of an Assemblymember and local real estate operator — two roles she would go on to hold herself (and her uncle was an Assembly member and State Supreme Court justice). In 1974 Dickens got a formal start in politics when she became a committee member in the New York State Democratic Party. Prior to her current position representing the 70th State Assembly District, she served as District 9’s representative in the City Council for 10 years.

Dickens took courses at New York University and Howard University, but did not graduate. (Earlier this month, The New York Post reported that Dickens did not receive a degree from Howard, despite claims on her State Assembly biography page—which have since been removed—and in public statements.) In 2014, when she was still a  member of the City Council, the New York Observer named her the city’s “richest elected official,” due to her part-ownership of four residential buildings in Harlem containing hundreds of rental apartments.

She has framed herself as a moderate, positioning her candidacy as a response to constituents’ dissatisfaction with Richardson Jordan’s left-wing approach and ineffective work in the City Council, including her stance on policing. In a statement for the NYC Votes official voter guide, Dickens said that her top three issues are affordable housing, claiming her support for income-targeted projects with 50% affordability; public safety, emphasizing anti-violence, anti-gun, and anti-gang programs; and education, stating a need for high quality technology in schools and renovations to public libraries.

“This is about displeasure with the current occupant,” Dickens said in an interview with the New York Post, referencing Richardson Jordan’s position of police abolition. “The community wants respect from the police and wants to give respect to police. When we call 911 we want police to respond. Who’s going to self police?”

During the NY1 debate, Dickens praised NYPD Commissioner Keechant Sewell, who on June 12 announced her resignation only 18 months after she was appointed.

“Commissioner Sewell did a great job for the short time that she was here,” Dickens said during the debate. “I think she was thrown into something she had not been acclimated to, she wasn’t prepared for, and it wasn’t her fault…She strove to make changes within the NYPD in order to be effective, and to see to it that if there was a bad apple within the NYPD, they would be pulled out and appropriate action would be taken.”

She has also advocated against the oversaturation of drug programs in Harlem.

“We have people that need these drug programs,” Dickens said at the candidates’ forum, discussing the aforementioned legislation. “But they need to be put everywhere, because right now, Harlem is receiving patients from Staten Island, from Brooklyn, from Queens, from everywhere. It’s not just Harlem residents that’s using the sites that’s here in Harlem. They need to have their sites in their communities just like we have them in ours.”

On housing, Dickens said she would champion the construction of new affordable units, and work to modify income requirements so that they more accurately reflect the residents of a particular area.

“I have a history of successfully negotiating for income-targeted housing. When we talk about affordability, that changes from block to block,” Dickens said at the forum. “In the Assembly lately, I was able to — and it's under construction now — [secure] 177 units of income-targeted housing with an AMI of 40-80%, AMI maximum, which the State of New York has not done in 50 years. I had to struggle to find the subsidy that will help to create it. In addition, there will be retail space, because we've got to understand that the retail space will also help to subsidize the affordability of the housing units.”

“It requires negotiation, it requires the ability to understand how you can build it with the highest number of units and the lowest AMI without killing the development,” Dickens said at the forum of negotiating a deal on real estate projects. “That's what was necessary at the One45, and that's what was not done.”

Al Taylor
Taylor represents the 71st Assembly District, which consists of the northernmost section of Harlem, as well as parts of Hamilton Heights, Washington Heights, and Inwood. He took the position in 2017 — running unopposed in a special election conducted after his predecessor, Herman “Denny” Farrell, under whom Taylor served as a chief of staff, resigned. He was up for reelection the year after, and had to win a Democratic primary before running unopposed in the general election; he’s been reelected in 2018, 2020, and 2022.

A lifelong resident of Harlem, Taylor dropped out of high school before serving in the U.S. Army’s Military Police division, where he received his G.E.D. He later graduated from Lehman College before completing a Master of Divinity degree from the Alliance Theological Seminary. He has worked as a minister, community organizer, and Democratic Party district leader.

Taylor also has a long history of advocacy against gun violence. In 2008, he started a neighborhood prayer walk program to combat gun violence called Man Up In Harlem.

During his tenure in the Assembly, Taylor said he has helped pass a number of key pieces of legislation, including on cracking down on ghost guns, strengthening tenant protections, increasing police accountability, cementing Elijah’s Law, which requires childcare facilities to follow stricter food safety and allergy prevention guidelines, and advancing bail reform. Taylor has also expressed opposition to subsequent rollbacks to those bail reforms first made in 2019 and tightened several times since.

For this election cycle, he said in a statement featured in the city’s official voter guide that his three top priorities are investing in affordable housing; economic and educational opportunity by funding schools, libraries, and small businesses; and community safety by funding community-based and mental health interventions.

At the forum, Taylor was asked a question about his stance on New York’s Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which would, among other things, protect LGBTQ people and those seeking abortions from discrimination. He voted against the amendment last year when it came up for a vote in the Assembly, but reversed his stance, voting yes on the final version of the amendment this year.

“I have done it. Look at my record, it is there,” Taylor said of supporting the ERA. “But I didn't get there easily. And I didn't get there for the sake of community. I got there because I had to wrestle with myself, and understand what I personally believe, which is near and dear to me, does not override the thought in the vote of the people that I represent.”

To reduce the impact of drug treatment clinics on District 9, Taylor said he would propose that unoccupied commercial spaces be repurposed into social facilities across the city.

“I would look to use some of the existing commercial spaces there in consideration for treatment facilities,” he said, “so we no longer have to bear this burden in one ZIP code.”

Yusef Salaam
Salaam is a member of the group of teenagers wrongfully convicted of rape in the infamous Central Park Five case. He spent seven years in prison before being exonerated in 2002. Last December, an entrance to Central Park on its northeast corner was renamed the Gate of the Exonerated, in honor of Salaam and the four other members of The Central Park Five, sometimes called The Exonerated Five.

“I'm new to politics, but I'm not new to Harlem,” Salaam said at the candidates’ forum. “I was born here, I was raised here, my family is here. And while I left, I came back, because Harlem for me was always the scene of ‘the crime’…What we are seeing in our streets are sleeping giants. They need to be woken up, and they need to be participating. We don't need to throw them away. We need to recognize their humanity.”

Since his exoneration, Salaam has worked as a criminal justice advocate and public speaker. He is on the board of The Innocence Project, the national nonprofit that works to overturn wrongful convictions, and was a founding member of Justice 4 The Wrongfully Incarcerated. A newcomer to running for office, he says he has been a member of Harlem’s Fredrick E. Samuel Community Democratic Club for 25 years.

“It has been my mission to educate the public about the impact of mass incarceration and police brutality rooted in our justice system, regularly advocating for criminal justice reform, prison reform and the abolition of juvenile solitary confinement and capital punishment,” Salaam says on his website. “I am working to restore humanity denied to those incarcerated and those downtrodden by the spiked wheels of justice.”

Salaam has positioned himself as a political outsider, and has marketed his lack of experience in politics as a positive potential change for the Council. In a recent City & State New York interview, though, he demonstrated minimal familiarity with the most basic aspects of the City Council and its work — he did not know how many members the Council is composed of (51), or the approximate size of the city’s operating budget ($110 billion).

Salaam’s platform, which he has termed an “Equity and Empowerment Agenda,” includes advocacy for affordable housing and protection from eviction, economic development opportunities for workers, entrepreneurs and small businesses, bolstering criminal justice reform, and narrowing the scope of the NYPD.

Under bolstering criminal justice reform, Salaam says he will fight to end qualified immunity for police officers and increase funding for public defenders, and under narrowing the scope of the NYPD, he says he will invest in mental health, after-school, and wrap-around services. He also aims to work toward reversing Harlem’s history as an area with a disproportionate level of social infrastructure — like drug treatment centers, safe injection sites, and shelters — that have had a negative impact on residents.

For the city’s official NYC Votes voter guide, the top three priorities he listed were building affordable housing, reducing pathways to crime, and improving public education.

“We need action yesterday to fix this issue,” Salaam said at the forum of the overabundance of treatment centers and injection sites. “One of the greatest things that we can do almost immediately is perhaps start mobile safe injection sites, so that folks don't have to worry about coming and dumping into one specific space, but that they will get a notice and know where to go.”

Salaam has said he will work to prioritize the approval of affordable housing developments, and work with city officials to create a housing plan for Harlem that takes into consideration the issues of gentrification, development, and homelessness. During the NY1 debate, he added that he would like to see the city adopt elements of its response to the migrant crisis to its housing and shelter policies.

“If they were able to solve for migrants in the way that they did, that also tells us that they most certainly can solve for the homelessness problem that we have in our community,” Salaam said during the debate. “When I think about it, we’re talking about affordable housing and deeply affordable housing that we need, and we need to build it. We need to be about the process of change for all of us.”

Salaam also supports providing sufficient funding for eviction protection services for tenants. He wants to reevaluate the current system by which affordable housing units are allocated, which relies in part on a calculation of the area median income, or AMI, which factors in the entire city and some of its suburbs.

“The rents are too high,” Salaam said. “My plan is to ensure that we get affordable housing, but affordable housing that speaks specifically to people's income levels. As I understand AMI, what they've done, which is very unfortunate, is they’ve pulled in places that have houses and homes and things of that nature, like Westchester. And so now the AMI is around $80,000.”

Salaam voiced his support for a revival of the One45 development plan at the forum.

“We need to incentivize all of the developers that are coming into our community telling us that they want to build and develop,” Salaam said. “Just like the One45 — now it's a truck stop. That's an unfortunate situation that we are experiencing right now, in a place that has the highest levels of respiratory illnesses. We need to correct that immediately, so that we can get the opportunity to provide our constituents with the type of value and life-giving support that they need, so that they can live holistically in our community.”

***
by Abby Wilson, Gotham Gazette

Read more by this writer.

***
by Arnav Binaykia, Gotham Gazette

Read more by this writer.

Party Primaries in Brooklyn Race for New City Council ‘Asian Opportunity’ District Come Down to the Wire


Susan Zhuang, Wai Yee Chan, Stanley Ng, Vito LaBella, Ying Tan (l-r)


Three Democrats and two Republican candidates are vying for their respective party nominations in this month’s primary election for the newly redrawn City Council District 43 in Southern Brooklyn.

The district was created last year during the redistricting process following the decennial Census to reflect population shifts, and in this case to give the Asian-American community a chance of greater, more proportionate representation in the Council. Asian New Yorkers were the largest and fastest-growing major demographic group in the city between the 2010 and 2020 Census counts.

The race in District 43 is one of only two open seats for the City Council this year, along with Manhattan’s District 9, and all 51 seats are on the ballot just two years after the previous citywide election. Not every City Council district is home to one primary election, much less two.

Early voting for the primary began Saturday and will go through June 25. Primary day is Tuesday, June 27, and absentee balloting is ongoing. (City Council Member Justin Brannan represents the outgoing District 43 and is running for reelection in the new District 47, where he will face the Republican nominee in the general  election — possibly Council Member Ari Kagan, the rep for the outgoing 47th district who left the Democratic Party in December and is running as a Republican.)

The new District 43 encompasses Bensonhurst, New Utrecht, and parts of Sunset Park and Dyker Heights. Almost 54% of the district’s population is Asian, according to the CUNY Mapping Service’s Redistricting & You project, while about 27.3% of residents are white and 15.3% are Hispanic. Almost all of the candidates across the two party primaries are of Asian descent.

More than half of voters in the district are registered Democrats, and just under 14% are Republicans, according to CUNY’s data. Nonetheless, in the 2021 mayoral election, Republican candidate Curtis Sliwa overwhelmingly won what is now the new district, receiving about 60.1% of votes in its lines, compared to 35.2% for Eric Adams, the Democrat who won overall. 

The District 43 race closely resembles last year’s contest for State Senate District 17, also a newly-created district that shares much of the same area. Iwen Chu, the Democratic candidate, won the hotly-contested general election, becoming the first Asian-American woman elected to the State Senate. 

The three Democratic candidates for District 43 include Susan Zhuang, chief of staff to Assemblymember William Colton; Wai Yee Chan, a former Brannan aide who is now executive director of Homecrest Community Services, a local nonprofit group; and Stanley Ng, a retired computer programmer and longtime education advocate.

The two Republican candidates, Vito LaBella and Ying Tan, both joined the race this spring and have been ramping up their campaigns since.

All five candidates are running on similar platforms, which has made the race competitive and captured voter attention, said Yiatin Chu, president of the Asian Wave Alliance (AWA), an advocacy organization dedicated to supporting Asian-Americans in New York. 

“The fact that districts like 43 have candidates that are making more people engaged and interested in elections is a really good thing,” Yiatin Chu said in a phone interview. “It’s a long game in terms of getting the Asian community to pay attention, to get engaged, to be registered, to go vote. Districts and races like this are what we need more of.” 

Overall, public safety and education remain the two top concerns for District 43 voters, she said. Because of the similarities in policy proposals, voters will also have to weigh how effectively they believe candidates could advocate for their positions once elected to the Council, she added. (The AWA endorsed Tan as its first-choice Republican candidate and LaBella as its second. The group has also endorsed Zhuang and Ng as its first- and second-choice Democratic candidates respectively.)

Republican Candidates

Vito LaBella 
LaBella, the only non-Asian candidate in the race, previously served as an NYPD officer for 31 years, rising to the rank of lieutenant. After retiring, LaBella became the president of the PTA of P.S./I.S. 187, a middle school in Borough Park that frequently sends high numbers of students to specialized high schools in the city. 

In 2018, LaBella protested against former Mayor Bill de Blasio’s proposal to eliminate the use of the Specialized High School Admissions Test (SHSAT) as the sole admissions criteria for the specialized high schools. The plan was an attempt to ensure greater diversity at the specialized high schools, where Black and Hispanic students are significantly underrepresented. But, it would have dramatically decreased the number of students taken from P.S./I.S. 187, LaBella said in an interview.

“The parents came to me, like, ‘Vito, can you help us?’” LaBella said. “I’m like, ‘Listen, I really didn’t sign up for this.’ But sometimes you choose your path, and sometimes your path chooses you.” 

LaBella also co-founded Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education (PLACE) NYC in 2019, an organization that similarly promotes the SHSAT as the sole criteria for admissions to specialized high schools and seeks to preserve the city’s Gifted & Talented programs, which de Blasio also sought to replace with an eye toward desegregation.

Last year, LaBella lost the State Senate election in District 17 by a few hundred votes to now-Senator Iwen Chu. She received 17,125 votes, while LaBella got 16,910. “My tenets are really just a continuation of my work from the Senate campaign but tweaked to focus on local issues,” he said. 

Like many of his opponents, LaBella’s campaign prioritizes quality education, as well as public safety and the success of small businesses — but he said his institutional knowledge distinguishes him from the other candidates.

In addition to his time as PTA president, LaBella has served on the District 20 Community Education Council for the past five years. He has advocated for the expansion of selective middle and high schools, work he said he could continue more effectively if elected to the City Council. 

“Quite frankly, even the CEC is advisory in nature,” LaBella said. “I’m running because I want to go to the next level, to try to bring a louder voice to the room for the things that I’ve been fighting for for the last five years.” 

With regards to public safety, LaBella said as a City Council member, he would also call out District Attorneys when they fail to prosecute aggressively enough.

“Violence interrupters, social services — whatever you want to do, try it all,” he added. “But when that doesn’t work, let’s arrest people. And let’s hold them accountable, especially the people who keep doing it again and again and again.” 

Though the Brooklyn Republican Party previously backed Chingkit “Jack” Ho, a candidate who has dropped out of the race, it has since endorsed LaBella. “We know that our candidate will do a very good job representing all constituents of the district,” said Ted Ghorra, the party’s chair, citing LaBella’s experience in policing and education.

“We try to pick candidates of any race for any district who are going to best represent the values and concerns of people in those districts,” Ghorra added. 

The New York Daily News reported in April that the Brooklyn GOP’s choice to endorse LaBella – who replaced Ho after he declined the nomination – upset some community leaders, who wrote a letter to Ghorra that urged him to rethink the decision. “This newly created district offers our community a chance for real representation, a chance to elect someone who understands and is able to meet our unique needs,” the letter stated. “This decision appears selfish and wholly opportunistic, and it should be seen as an insult to the Asian-Americans who form the majority in this district, for whom this district was created.”

Ghorra claimed (without evidence) that Asian-American Democrats planted the article out of concern about LaBella’s potential success in the general election. 

LaBella has also been endorsed by Sliwa, Republican Congressional Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, former Congressional Rep. and Republican gubernatorial candidate Lee Zeldin, City Council Member Inna Vernikov, former Governor George Pataki, the Brooklyn Conservative Party, and the Lieutenants Benevolent Association, among others. 

Ying Tan 
Tan, a first-generation immigrant from China who arrived in the United States in 2009, has spent the last seven years working in senior social services. Now, an item that sits near the top of her agenda is promoting protection for older New Yorkers — especially middle-class seniors, who are ineligible for benefits such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). “The seniors who do not receive entitlements and are living with a fixed income — the middle class — they are the group of people most struggling from inflation,” she said in an interview.

Tan’s campaign also focuses on supporting small businesses and improving public safety and education. Specifically, she has plans to create a new tax bracket, allowing local business owners to pay less in taxes than they do now, and require their input on new city regulations. She also wants increased police funding, further implementation of community policing, a reversal of bail reforms passed by the State Legislature in 2019, and more accountability for district attorneys to ensure they are aggressive in enforcing laws.

Additionally, though Tan and LaBella have each emphasized education as a chief campaign concern, she stressed the breadth of her advocacy, which includes increased early intervention programs for students with special needs. Tan has a son who struggled with speech as a child, so she has learned first-hand the difficulty of accessing special needs programs, she said. 

And unlike LaBella, Tan argued that identity should factor into the elections. “I know the background, the culture, and the language,” she said of much of the new City Council district and its Asian majority. “He doesn’t know the values, he doesn’t know the background, [and] he doesn’t know the issues that we have in our community, so I don’t think he could well represent us.” 

Tan said she knows District 43 is home to many non-Asian communities but emphasized that the Asian community needs increased representation and support in government. “Our goal is to empower Asian voters and facilitate their integration into American culture,” she said. “We must prevent individuals from exploiting the underrepresentation of Asian voters.” 

“Both candidates, policy-wise, are very, very similar,” AWA’s Chu said of LaBella and Tan. “It was a matter of looking at what they’ve done for the community. Ying has strong roots by working in a senior center here in Bensonhurst, and people know her.” 

Still, Chu emphasized that AWA endorsed both candidates, a choice the organization doesn’t always make. “The registered Republicans that will be voting have got good choices,” she said. 

Democratic candidates

Susan Zhuang
A Chinese immigrant who moved to the U.S. in 2007, Zhuang was a volunteer for Assemblymember Colton before eventually becoming his chief of staff. She is running with Colton’s endorsement, which may be especially helpful in the parts of Bensonhurst that he represents in the Assembly.

Zhuang also has the backing of former City Council Mark Treyger, local district leaders, Asian Wave Alliance, good government group Citizens Union, and leaders of dozens of local nonprofit and business groups including the Chinese American Commerce Association, Bay Parkway Chinese Merchant Association, Asian Pacific Islander American Public Affairs Association and others.

Since she launched her campaign, Zhuang said she’s received an outpouring of support from district residents owing to her work in constituent services for Colton. But the challenge, she said, is ensuring that voter turnout is just as enthusiastic. “Now we need to make sure whoever supports me, comes out to vote,” she said in a recent phone interview.  

Zhuang’s top priorities mostly mirror other candidates – public safety, education, quality-of-life issues as well as affordable housing, language services, and small business services.  

In the last few months, while she has been campaigning, the state passed a new budget and the city is on the verge of passing its own. Both spending plans have surfaced key issues for Zhuang. While education funding is up in the state budget, there has been little movement on new affordable housing. And the city is poised to make cuts to early childhood education and senior services, both of which carry weight with District 43 residents, she said. 

Zhuang said that her appeal as a candidate goes beyond the Asian community, to the Jewish, Muslim, Italian, and Russian communities in the district. “It feels like I really can unite everyone together and fight for the issues we all care about,” she said.

Wai Yee Chan
Chan has lived in the city for 27 years, after being born and raised in Hong Kong. Though she has been a Queens resident for the last decade, she says she is moving back to Brooklyn at the end of the month regardless of the outcome of the primary. 

Chan’s professional career has largely been focused in the district and nearby. She has been a nonprofit executive for nearly 20 years and, in 2020, became the executive director of Homecrest Community Services, which provides services to older adults and families in the Asian community. She previously worked for Council Member Brannan as community engagement director and is also a member of the Language Assistance Advisory Committee of the citywide Civic Engagement Commission.

Chan has received a long list of prominent endorsements from elected officials including State Senators Chu, Andrew Gounardes, and John Liu, former Assembly Member Peter Abbate Jr., Council Member Brannan, nonprofit and business groups, and several major labor unions including 1199 SEIU (which ranked her first in a ranked-choice endorsement), the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), Professional Staff Congress – CUNY, NYC Deputy Sheriff’s Association, Uniformed Firefighters Association, Uniformed EMTs, Paramedics & Inspectors, New York State Court Officers Association, Uniformed Sanitationmen’s Association, and others. 

“I've been knocking on doors for months and months…and public safety, education, as well as affordable housing issues, that’s most of what I’ve heard for the past couple months,” Chan said in an interview. 

Chan also expressed concerns about the upcoming city budget, specifically proposed cuts to senior services such as Meals on Wheels. And she called for more funding to tackle hate crimes, which have risen in the last several years and have particularly affected Asian and Jewish communities, which make up large parts of the district. She said she wants more language and translation services to “streamline reporting [of hate crimes]” and “get the police’s attention right away instead of tedious reporting procedures.”

Her work for Brannan’s Council office is what sets Chan apart, she said. “I'm the one that has experience at the City Council and knows how the City Council functions,” she said. “So that's how I differentiate my background, my experiences with my two opponents.”

Stanley Ng
A retired computer programmer and member of the Citywide Council on High Schools, Ng proudly says he is not a member of the political establishment and does not run in Democratic political circles, even as he acknowledges that his independence makes for an uphill battle. “I am up against two people from two Democratic clubs. They have a lot more resources than I do. And I know I'm not going to be able to outrun them or outmuscle them, but I can outsmart them,” he said. 

“I am the best candidate because I’m the outsider,” he added. 

Ng also criticized the proposed cuts in the city budget put forward by Mayor Eric Adams, including the decrease in the Meals on Wheels program and a reduction of 500 school crossing guard positions, both part of negotiations with the current City Council over a budget due by the July 1 start of the new fiscal year. Though schools will be off for the summer after that, “When September starts, and you don't have all those guards in place, what are you going to do?” Ng wondered. 

It’s not just the safety of students that he worries about. Crime and public safety across the district remains his top priority. He has been particularly critical of bail reforms that the state Legislature approved in 2019, though the bail laws were tightened again in this year’s state budget. “It’s a start,” he said of those latest bail changes, which will ensure that more defendants are held on bail for both major crimes and low-level offenses. “Is it enough? I don’t know,” he said. “Until crime actually goes down, it’s hard to say.”

Read more about the Democratic candidates here, from Gotham Gazette’s initial reporting on the race.

***
by Julia Goldberg & Samar Khurshid
@GothamGazette

Boosting Arts and Access, City’s ‘Open Culture’ Program Set to Become Permanent by Law


May 25 rally for Open Culture (photo: Edward Amador/Office of Council Member Carlina Rivera) 


Under legislation passed in May by the New York City Council, the city’s pandemic-era Open Culture program, which allows arts and culture institutions to host events in public outdoor spaces throughout the city, will be renewed and made permanent. The bill, Intro. 590-A, passed with 47 votes in favor and just one against and awaits action by Mayor Eric Adams, though his administration has indicated its support.

The program aims to ensure cultural organizations can secure a wide variety of performance spaces and expand access to arts and culture throughout the city. According to the bill, it would be made permanent by August 1 under the purview of the Mayor’s Office of Citywide Event Coordination and Management, the Department of Cultural Affairs, and the Department of Transportation. 

The city established the Open Culture program on a temporary basis in March 2021, one year into the pandemic. It was critical to the survival of many institutions, said City Council Member Carlina Rivera, a Manhattan Democrat and the lead sponsor of the bill.

“It also allowed neighbors, families, and friends to come together in a safe way and made our communities more enjoyable and lively during a very harrowing time,” she said. 

Before the program sunset in March 2022, it enabled 489 public events to occur, according to Dawn Tolson, the executive director of the Mayor’s Office of Citywide Event Coordination and Management. Ballet, comedy, opera, and theater organizations all took advantage of Open Culture, hosting their rehearsals, classes, and performances outdoors, in part for more safety from COVID-19. There were nearly 200 available locations for events, and permits were expedited, with the Office of Citywide Event Coordination and Management responding to requests within five days of their submission. 

The City Council’s Committee on Cultural Affairs, chaired by Council Member Chi Ossé, a Brooklyn Democrat, first held a hearing on the proposed legislation in October 2022. At the hearing, Laurie Cumbo, Commissioner of the city’s Department of Cultural Affairs and, when she was in the Council through 2021, a co-sponsor of the legislation that established the initial program, spoke to its success in expanding opportunities for artists in the city and her excitement about its revival. 

“We want to work with the Council to realize the vision of having art in all of our communities and for it to be accessible,” Cumbo told the committee, which she previously chaired. “It’s got to be indoors. It’s got to be outdoors. And it’s got to be everywhere throughout the city.”

Tolson added that even after the end of the original Open Culture program, the city has supported many cultural organizations through a similar program, Open Streets, which provides local businesses and groups with access to outdoor spaces for events and activities. 

Lucy Sexton, the executive director of New Yorkers for Culture and Arts, a culture advocacy coalition, testified in support of the program’s renewal during the hearing. Sexton said it was the first and only permit program that allowed groups to generate income while providing the public with free access to the arts. Previously, organizations soliciting donations had to pay far more for commercial permits, she explained. 

Under Open Culture, Sexton’s organization held a street party in Lower Manhattan with performances by stilt walkers, spoken word artists, and dancers. Donor tickets cost $100, though the event was open to all. 

“Open Culture is a groundbreaking win-win for artists and cultural groups, for the public, and for the entire city,” she said. “Streets filled with music, dance, and community create safer, happier, healthier neighborhoods.” 

Marianna Newirth, a representative from New York Opera Alliance, a consortium of 45 opera companies, likewise testified in support.

“There is value in having opera be part of our everyday New York City life,” Newirth said, noting that under the Open Culture program, opera companies performed in multiple city parks, community gardens, and streets. “I ask you to maintain this program and ever-evolving ways to help us as we do our job as independent opera companies making opera accessible to all New Yorkers.” 

Several other artists and organizations also submitted written testimony that urged the committee to pass the legislation. 

Between the October hearing and the May vote, the Committee altered the bill to expand the eligibility requirement for arts and culture organizations, to designate all roadways — rather than only those in the Open Streets program — as viable performance spaces, and to add a clause that mandates an annual report of the program produced by the Office of Citywide Event Coordination and Management. 

The reports will provide clarity on the program’s reach, Rivera said in an interview. “If we saw Open Culture was not something that was happening in a community, we would want to find out why,” she said. “We want to find out if the local organizations feel supported and what we can change to improve the program.” 

The permit application fee also increased from $20 to $25. “The Mayor’s Office did want to create what we thought was a substantial and quite prohibitive fee — somewhere in the range of thousands of dollars, and that really isn’t the spirit of the program,” Rivera said. “We really did have to push back a bit.” There were no discussions about the fee during the October hearing at which Cumbo testified, and Cumbo did not suggest any specific changes to the bill during her testimony.

Outside of the permit application, participation in the program will remain free. 

Immediately preceding the City Council’s May vote, Rivera and others held a rally in Foley Square for Open Culture. Rivera commended the legislation, as did Council Members Ossé and Kevin Riley, a Bronx Democrat, and representatives from various arts and culture organizations. 

Sexton, who attended the rally, said in an interview that she was delighted when the legislation passed. “Open Culture is an acknowledgement by the city that culture is a vital part of our economy. I’m very appreciative of the city recognizing that,” she said. 

“I’m very, very excited to see this in the streets,” Rivera said.

Adams Administration Far Behind on Bus Infrastructure Benchmarks, with Promises to Improve This Year


Bus riders (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography Office)


On the campaign trail and in City Hall, Mayor Eric Adams pledged to “build 150 miles of new bus lanes and busways in four years,” which he and supporters of the plan said would speed up the city’s notoriously slow buses, mitigate congestion, reduce traffic crashes, and protect the environment. 

“We will build more bus lanes to facilitate faster commuting,” Adams said in a speech to mark his first 100 days as mayor, in April 2022, “complete with countdown clocks so you know when the next one is coming.” It echoed sentiments from the Moving Forward Together agenda of Adams’ successful 2021 campaign, in which he stressed the importance of a “state-of-the-art bus transit system” in supporting economic development and revolutionizing the way New Yorkers move around the city. 

But nearly 18 months into his term, a series of public reports and hearings have indicated a process that is far behind schedule, keeping many of the city’s slow-moving buses stuck. While overall the MTA, a state-run authority, is in charge of the bus system, New York City government has control of city streets and thus where to install bus lanes and what kind, and the city and state work together on enforcement that can make or break whether bus lanes are clear of other vehicles.

Buses crawl around New York City at an average of 9 miles per hour, according to a March 2023 report from New York State Comptroller Tom DiNapoli’s office, meaning they are often moving even slower during rush hours. The vast majority of bus riders are low- and middle-income New Yorkers of color. According to Bronx City Council Member Pierina Sanchez, buses on the BX12 route in her district can drive as slowly as 4-8 miles per hour. 

“You can almost walk or speed-walk down faster than [the 12 bus] down Fordham Road during peak hours,” she told DOT officials at a May 19 city budget hearing.

Mayor Adams rode the bus and made an appearance at a "better buses" rally hosted by advocates in Brooklyn in August 2022, just over seven months into his tenure. At the rally he recommitted to speeding up the city's buses and building out the bus lane capacity he had pledged.

"Buses are the transportation backbone of our city," the mayor said, according to a transcript from his office. "They reach every corner of our city, every borough, and then a lifeline for so many New Yorkers on how we utilize our service." He called the bus "the great equalizer," and a place where New Yorkers "cross-pollinate with the diversity of this amazing city," but also stressed that "buses serve a lower income community — that's the largest population that uses it," and that no matter who you are, "you want a level of consistency in this operation."

He stressed his "commitment to advancing 150 bus lanes in four years," calling it "important."

But many months later, frustration over the Adams administration’s lack of progress on the city’s buses, ridden by around 1.4 million New Yorkers per weekday during the first quarter of 2023, according to the MTA, has made transportation advocates more skeptical of his promises.

Just before a state budget deal was reached, Adams endorsed a proposed pilot program championed by Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani and State Senator Michael Gianaris, both Queens Democrats, and other legislators that would make 10 New York City bus routes free for commuters (the budget deal included five, one in each borough, to be determined by the MTA with public input). In response to the mayor’s endorsement of the free-bus pilot idea, Philip Miatowski, senior director of policy and research at nonprofit advocacy group Transportation Alternatives, warned to “be wary of any electeds who claim to support free buses from a budget they don’t control while having little to show over what they do control: bus lane mileage.” 

With a state budget deal in place, attention has now shifted to the city’s own budget process, with a spending plan due by the July 1 start of the new fiscal year. Part of what advocates, elected officials, and bus riders are concerned about with the mayor’s approach to buses is management of his own Department of Transportation, including funding and personnel, as well as directives to better execute on promises already made.

Current Status of Busways and Bus Lanes
In 2019, the City Council passed and then-Mayor Bill de Blasio signed into law the Streets Plan, which required the construction of 20 miles of camera-protected bus lanes in 2022 and 30 miles of the same in each of 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026, for a total of 140 miles over five years.

According to the New York City Department of Transportation’s update to the mandated Streets Plan released in February, the city completed just 7.7 miles of new bus lanes in 2022, meaning just over 5% of the mileage needed to reach Adams’ own benchmarks and falling well short of the requirements in the Streets Plan law itself.

According to the Tri-State Transportation Campaign, New York City had a total of 138 bus lane miles as of November 2022. 

Meanwhile, no new busways, which heavily restrict non-bus traffic on stretches of city roadway, have been completed since Adams took office. Three busways built during de Blasio’s second term were given permanent status, but two of them, the Flushing Main Street busway and the Jamaica Avenue busway, had their 24 hours of operation reduced under Adams — to 6am to 7pm and 6am to 8pm, respectively.

As of March 2023, busways are maintained on Archer Avenue in Queens, Jamaica Avenue in Queens, 181st Street in Manhattan, Jay Street in Brooklyn, 14th Street in Manhattan, Fulton Street in Brooklyn, and Main Street in Queens. The only busway listed as being “in development” by a DOT-provided list is for a stretch of Fifth Avenue between 34th and 57th Streets in Manhattan, which is part of a major Adams administration plan for the avenue. A planned busway on Fordham Road in the Bronx was just canceled, accordjng to Streetsblog, by DOT after pressure from local business leaders.

Of the 7.7 miles of bus lanes that the DOT completed since Adams took office through the end of 2022, only 4.2 miles are covered by camera enforcement, according to a DOT official. Those cameras film vehicles that illegally drive, park, or stand in bus lanes in order to automatically issue tickets. The Streets Plan criteria only counts camera-protected bus lanes in its benchmarks mileage.

The recently-approved state budget also expanded bus lane camera enforcement, giving the MTA and city more freedom to issue tickets for offenders. According to the legislation, drivers caught parking or driving in bus lanes and bus stops will be charged with a $50 fine on the first offense, with an additional $50 assessed for each additional infraction to a maximum of $250 within a 12-month period. The MTA announced plans to equip a total of 1,000 buses with on-board cameras by the end of the year.

DOT Commissioner Ydanis Rodríguez, a former City Council member from Upper Manhattan appointed to lead DOT by Mayor Adams, acknowledged the situation at a February 14 hearing before the New York City Council Committee on Transportation. “The two areas that we are behind are the bike lanes and bus lanes,” he said. “As the Commissioner and a previous Council Member, I ask for your support and leadership to help me accomplish these goals.” 

At a May 19 budget hearing, DOT First Deputy Commissioner Margaret Forgione told City Council members that DOT was preparing for summer and fall construction on bus priority projects — mainly new bus lanes and bus lane enforcement — along University Avenue, Gun Hill Road, and Fordham Road in the Bronx, Northern Boulevard in Queens, Livingston Street in Brooklyn, and 3rd Avenue in Manhattan. 

Nonetheless, DOT officials were unable to provide numbers on bus lane progress to date in 2023, which Rodriguez and Forgione said was due to the seasonal nature of the construction process.

“We have just entered our installation season,” Forgione explained. “We can’t lay down markings or do much of our asphalt work in the wintertime, so we are just beginning implementation and it would be better for us to update you in just a little bit on all the projects that are underway.” 

Asked by Brooks-Powers when they would catch up to their missed 2022 benchmarks, Rodriguez offered few specifics. “We feel that 2023 will be a good year,” he said. “We have many projects, some of which are in front of many of you council members.”

Reactions to Progress on Bus Lanes and Busways
When Adams rolled out his bus plans early last year, public transit advocates like the Bus Turnaround Coalition expressed strong support and eagerly offered cooperation. But as actual implementation failed to gain momentum, many of the same groups have been scathing in their criticism.

“Mayor Adams promised millions of riders that he would speed up the nation’s slowest bus system with 150 new bus lanes over four years,” said Riders Alliance Executive Director Betsy Plum, responding to Adams’ State of the City Address in February of this year. “So far, we’ve seen barely more than we can count on one hand. The administration must pick up its own pace so bus riders can pick up ours.” 

Riders Alliance publishes a Bus Lane Tracker, which attests that only 6.8 miles out of the promised 150 miles of new bus lanes under Mayor Adams have been completed. 

The 0.9 mile discrepancy with DOT’s number comes from Riders Alliance not counting Main Street in Flushing, El Grant Highway, and Pelham Bay Park, the first two of which Riders Alliance Digital Strategist Derrick Holmes says are not completed bus lanes, even if they have been “enhanced” in 2022. According to Holmes, Pelham Bay Park was also excluded because it constitutes “100ft of ‘busway’ that didn’t feel like a significant/reportable improvement given the double-digit bus lane mile deficit DOT is already in.” 

The stagnation has also displeased several members of the Council’s transportation committee, including Chair Brooks-Powers. “It is clear that the DOT is not doing what is required by law to build and upgrade street infrastructure citywide,” she told Gotham Gazette in a statement earlier this year. “We can and must do more to redesign dangerous roadways with hard infrastructure investments.” 

The City Council’s frustration was evident at the February 14 hearing, where DOT Commissioner Rodríguez, DOT Deputy Commissioner Eric Beaton, DOT Assistant Commissioner for Intergovernmental and Community Affairs Rick Rodriguez, and DOT Director of Safety Policy Julia Kite-Laidlaw all faced sharp questioning.

Asked by Council Member Gale Brewer to affirm under oath if DOT could meet its 2023 benchmarks, Rodríguez declined to make any promises, instead stressing his department’s focus on quality over quantity and prioritizing higher-need neighborhoods in a time when staffing shortages and supply-chain issues are limiting its capabilities. 

“We’re going to work to the best of our ability to meet those targets,” added Beaton. “But we want to make sure we’re not just guided by the number of miles, but also doing the projects that are most impactful for the highest number of people.” 

“Alright, I got it,” Brewer interjected. “I don’t agree with your answer, but I understand.” 

Rodriguez appeared to be more confident of hitting 2023 Streets Plan benchmarks in the May 19 budget hearing, telling the Transportation and Finance committees that DOT was on track to meet its annual targets. “Thanks to Mayor Adams’ commitment to putting his money where his word is,” he stated, “DOT has all the resources that we need for us to do the job, weather permitting.” 

But he continued to add the same cautionary note to his answers as in previous hearings, stressing that DOT was considering both quantity and quality, as well as community approval, in implementing bus priority projects. Rodriguez furthermore indicated that DOT has to account for open streets and outdoor restaurant seating, which was not included in the Streets Plan that passed in 2019. 

DOT Staffing Shortages 
At the February 14 hearing and in other settings, Rodríguez cited supply chain delays and staffing shortages as obstacles to meeting goals on bus lanes and busways, though he has more recently emphasized the lack of support from elected officials and communities as the most significant challenge.

Council Member Lincoln Restler, a Brooklyn Democrat, expressed alarm over the 750 staff vacancies across DOT, a problem he said was exacerbated by the Adams administration’s policy of deliberately preventing hiring to save money. DOT currently employs just over 5,500 people. 

“I am deeply troubled by this administration’s commitment to financial austerity and shrinking the size of government at the expense of achieving the goals you’re espousing,” Restler told Rodríguez in February. 

Since taking office, Mayor Adams has issued repeated directives for city agencies to cut their budgets, often clashing with City Council members and other government officials in the process, including by eliminating some of the many thousands of budgeted personnel vacancies. By many accounts, the mayor had also been slow to adjust hiring and retention policies in order to staff agencies, exacerbating a challenge he inherited from the prior administration and hurting the service-delivery performance of city government. According to Streetsblog, DOT operations continued to suffer from a mass exodus of staff and low morale among those who have remained.

Council members anxious about DOT’s staffing problems may have found some comfort from the mayor’s abandonment of a policy that authorized city agencies to make just one hire for every two vacant positions. According to DOT Deputy Executive Commissioner Paul Ochoa, DOT was “keeping up with attrition” and had commitments from City Hall that “if we get to a point where we fill our vacancies, then we’ll start having conversations about bringing in more budgeted headcount.” 

At the May 19 budget hearing, Ochoa testified that a recent sprint in hiring by the Adams administration has enabled the department to better keep up with attrition, losing on average one employee for every two than they hire. “Since March, we’ve had almost 150 hires and 75 separations,” he said. 

“I’m happy to see that there’s some modest forward momentum,” Restler responded.

Rodríguez, citing DOT efforts to create hiring pipelines through job fairs and partnerships with institutions like City College, promised that his department was committed to filling the vacancies as best they could in a tight labor market for engineers and planners.

At a City Council hearing on the mayor’s $102.7 billion preliminary budget held on March 9, Rodríguez also suggested that DOT was struggling to compete with the private sector, which tends to offer higher salaries and more generous benefit packages, as well as more flexible hybrid and work-from-home schedules. Mayor Adams has until recently insisted that all city employees work in-person every day, no matter their roles. Small flex-schedule pilot programs have been launched for two city agencies earlier this month, but not yet at DOT.

Rodriguez has maintained that DOT retains support from Adams, who he said promised an additional $370 million in capital funding – 18% of DOT’s budget – for streetscape improvements and safe street designs “We’re fine with the resources that we have,” he told the committee. “Any additional resources are always welcome.”

“You’re fine with the resources you have,” Brooks-Powers responded, “but also there are challenges with the resources and implementation of policy because the staffing is not there…am I following it correctly?” 

Rodríguez argued that DOT had to be satisfied with what they could get under the circumstances. “New York City has limited resources,” he said. “There is not a tree where we can just take all the dollars from there. We have limited resources for agencies to get what they need and do their jobs, so what I’m saying is that I’m comfortable with the investment that Mayor Adams has made with our agency.” 

On April 26, Adams released his executive budget for fiscal year 2024, which includes $1.41 billion allocated to DOT, a marginal (0.3%) increase from the $1.4 billion budgeted in the preliminary plan presented in January. While Rodriguez maintained his satisfaction with the number, Brooks-Powers was more skeptical. “I question whether an executive budget that includes $27.9 million in PEGs in FY 2024 will have a negative impact on our shared goals for better, safer transportation citywide,” she said in her opening statement at the May 19 budget hearing, referring to the mayor’s budget savings efforts, known as a Program to Eliminate the Gap, or PEG.

Community Support and Opposition 
Rodríguez requested support and leadership from the City Council in overcoming community opposition to traffic safety projects on several occasions. “Our team had a plan on how to accomplish those numbers in 2023,” he said in the February 14 hearing, of the Streets Plan’s bus and bike lane benchmarks. “But one challenge that we face is that when we go to communities, there is major opposition to our plans to bring in bus lanes and bike lanes.” (“I was supportive,” Brewer offered.) 

Historically, local concerns have been especially prevalent in areas where residents have traditionally relied heavily on cars. One 2015 proposal for an expanded bus lane on 125th Street had drawn fire at community board meetings, with the chair of CB 10 complaining about new bus infrastructure slowing down her taxi commute. “There’s still a very entrenched car culture in this city,” said then-Council Member Mark Levine, a Manhattan Democrat. “For years, the car has been king, and that’s how we made policy.” Then-Council Member Rodriguez, for his part, maintained that “anything that will help move our buses safe and faster is something we’ll support.” 

There are several recent examples to support his point.

Bronx City Council Member Oswald Feliz claimed in a June 2022 letter to Rodriguez that using Fordham Road as a proposed busway would “force thousands of cars onto nearby alternative, residential streets, creating endless gridlock and danger for pedestrians.” Riders Alliance spokesman Danny Pearlstein responded in StreetsBlog that “NIMBY drivers are back at it, yet again spreading tired falsehoods to deny tens of thousands of Bronxites faster and more reliable bus commutes.” Construction of the Fordham Road busway has not yet begun. 

Elsewhere, Queens Council Member Nantasha Williams had suggested ending the pilot period for the busway on Jamaica Avenue, alleging at a June 2022 Council transportation committee hearing that in building bus infrastructure, DOT does not assess its impact on businesses and other drivers. Brooks-Powers joined Williams in expressing reservations about the way the Jamaica Avenue busway was implemented, telling StreetsBlog that people could not access local businesses. As of March 2023, the Jamaica Avenue busway is still on pilot status. 

Brooks-Powers contended that concerns over certain bus lanes and busways were based on flawed execution rather than opposition to bus infrastructure on principle.

“It’s not that members do not want [bus and bike lanes] in their communities,” she told Rodríguez. “It’s that they want to have the community at the table in a really meaningful way to implement this.” Some areas, she said, saw new infrastructure sprout up without any community input, including a raised, unprotected bike lane in Far Rockaway that has been used more often as a parking space for cars than for bike-riding. Other areas, Brooks-Powers pointed out, did request bus and bike lanes but were not provided any investment by DOT.

Williams echoed Brooks-Powers and took the point further. “I have said on the record multiple times that it is unfortunate that the Queens Boulevard bus lane doesn’t come down to Jamaica, and so I understand your commentary around it not being popular,” she said. “But I don’t think that is where we should stop. We should work together to educate the community and make sure that there is even just connectivity to a bus lane that doesn’t come down to Jamaica Avenue or other areas of the district that might be more appropriate versus arbitrarily slapping down a bus lane and then getting upset if the community doesn’t like it.”

Other council members offered more unreserved support for bus priority projects in their districts. “Come to District 33,” Restler told the Commissioner. “I am here to help. We will build every bike lane, every dedicated busway across the city of New York. We are here for it, we love it.” 

Community responses have indicated broad approval for new bus infrastructure in their neighborhoods. In a poll commissioned by DOT in Bronx Community Boards 5, 6, and 7, 66% of respondents expressed support for additional bus lanes on Fordham Road, and 70% for a busway. One citywide survey by Siena College taken from December 2020 had a majority (56%) of respondents supporting the installation of new bus lanes, even at the cost of some parking space.

Bus Infrastructure and Street Safety
The urgency of quickly installing new bus infrastructure as a safety measure was underscored at the February 14 hearing by testimony from several family members of people killed in traffic violence — there were 255 such deaths citywide in 2022 and 273 in 2021. According to Transportation Alternatives, 51 people have been killed in crashes during the first quarter of 2023. 

Families for Safe Streets member and Bronx resident Monique Williams, whose father was fatally struck by a driver in 2020, told the committee that more protected bus and bike lanes would help lower the death toll. “These are things that we know will calm traffic down and encourage people to drive more carefully,” she said. “It makes it possible for people to safely commute and reduce senseless crashes, and it saves lives.”

Amy Cohen, another FSS member whose 12-year old son was killed by a car driver in 2013, called on the City Council to pressure DOT to move more rapidly, fulfill its NYC Streets Plan commitments, and employ safety measures on dangerous streets and intersections. “We need every Council member to champion those proven safety measures,” she said, “and not be impediments to change when a small group of residents think their parking space is more critical than the lives of residents in their district.”

In testimony delivered to the Council transportation committee on March 9, Transportation Alternatives Senior Director of Advocacy & Organizing Elizabeth Adams called the sluggish pace of bus lane construction “unacceptable,” emphasizing the disproportionate effects of traffic violence and congestion on New Yorkers who are low-income, younger, and people of color, who tend to have longer commutes and fewer mobility options.

“New York’s traffic-clogged and dangerous streets cost residents more than $6 billion a year in traffic crashes and lost time,” she said. “We leave money on the table when we fail to build safe and equitable street space.”

***
by Nicholas Liu, Gotham Gazette

Read more by this writer.

Races to Watch in This Month’s New York City Council Primary Elections


Time to head to the polls (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayor's Office)


Early voting begins this Saturday, June 17, for this year’s New York City Council primary elections, an unusual set of contests mandated by a quirk in the City Charter that requires the full Council to be on the ballot following a decennial redistricting based on the Census. Early voting for the primaries runs through June 25, while primary day is June 27, and absentee balloting is ongoing.

In the two years since the current class of Council members was seated, districts have been redrawn to accommodate an increase in the city’s population and a series of more specific demographic shifts. Some districts saw few changes and others saw drastic ones, while an entirely new “Asian opportunity” district was created in South Brooklyn as part of the response to the new population data. 

Though all 51 Council seats are up for election this year, there are only 24 primary races and perhaps half that many competitive ones. Only one sitting Council member is no longer running for reelection, meaning there are 50 incumbents seeking another two years in office. Some may not be challenged in either the primary or the general. In one case, the new 47th District, two incumbents have been drawn into the same boundaries and could face each other in the general election.

Nonetheless, there is a series of notable races to watch, and anything can happen in what is expected to be an especially low turnout affair, even by New York City’s abysmal standards. The party primaries all use ranked-choice voting, which allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference up to five. This is only the second time that the new voting method is being put to use after it was introduced for the 2021 citywide election. If no candidate wins more than 50% of first-place votes in the initial tally, an “instant runoff” occurs where some voters’ second choices (and perhaps third and beyond) begin to matter and a cycle of elimination unfolds.

Primary winners, mostly on the Democratic side, are almost all favored to win, though there will likely be another six to 10 competitive races for the fall general election. The eventual victor will go on to serve a two-year term before the next citywide race in 2025. The current City Council includes 45 Democrats and six Republicans, though there are several Democrats who align more closely with their conservative colleagues.

The deadline to register to vote in the primary is also June 17, the first day of early voting. Party primaries are only open to voters registered with the party and it is too late to change party affiliation for this election — while most of the competition is, as usual, among Democrats, there are several competitive Republican primaries this month. While the deadline to apply for an absentee ballot by mail or online has passed, the last day to apply in-person is June 26.

Find your early voting or Election Day poll site and sample ballot here.

Among other races on some voters' ballots this month, there are also Democratic primaries for Queens District Attorney, where DA Melinda Katz is seeking reelection against two challengers, and Bronx District Attorney, where DA Darcel Clark is seeking reelection against challenger Tess Cohen.

Here are several City Council races to keep an eye on: 

District 1
Lower Manhattan including Battery Park City, Chinatown, Financial District, Little Italy, the Lower East Side, NoHo, SoHo, South Street Seaport, South Village, TriBeCa & Washington Square

City Council Member Christopher Marté, a first-term Democrat, is running for reelection and faces three primary challengers – Susan Lee, a freelance nonprofit grant writer who previously lost to Marté in 2021; Ursila Jung, a development policy expert; and Pooi Stewart, a substitute teacher.

Read: In Lower Manhattan, Challengers Look to Unseat City Council Member Christopher Marte in June Democratic Primary

District 9
Central Harlem, Morningside Heights, Upper West Side, East Harlem 

In a surprising move, Council Member Kristin Richardson Jordan, a first-term Democrat, announced last month that she was dropping out of her reelection race. Jordan, a democratic socialist, won a closely fought battle for the seat in 2021 and was part of the far-left wing of the City Council. 

Though her name will still appear on the primary ballot, Jordan’s abrupt departure has effectively created an open seat, leading to one of the most closely watched races. Three candidates are now vying for the Democratic nomination: Assemblymember Inez Dickens, who previously held the Council seat from 2006 to 2016; Assemblymember Al Taylor; and Yusef Salaam, a first-time candidate who was one of the Central Park Five, exonerated after serving time in prison for a crime they didn't commit. 

District 13
East Bronx including City Island, Ferry Point, Morris Park, Pelham Bay, Throggs Neck and Van Nest

Council Member Marjorie Velázquez, a first-term Democrat, is facing three opponents in the primary – Irene Estrada, a former Democratic district leader; Bernadette Ferrara, president of the Van Nest Neighborhood Alliance and chair of Bronx Community Board 11; and John Perez, a retired Army officer.

There is also a Republican and Conservative party primary in the district among three candidates. The leading candidate seems to be Kristy Marmorato, a health care professional who has been endorsed by the Bronx GOP. She is the sister of Bronx GOP Chair Michael Rendino and is married to Gino Marmorato, the Bronx GOP commissioner for the city Board of Elections. Marmorato faces George Havranek, president of the Spencer Estate Civic Association and former member of Community Board 10, and Hasime Samantha Zherka, an insurance adjuster who unsuccessfully ran for State Senate last year. 

District 19
Auburndale, Bay Terrace, Bayside, Beechhurst, College Point, Douglaston, Flushing, Little Neck, Malba, Whitestone

Council Member Vickie Paladino, a first-term Republican, doesn’t face a primary challenger. But there is a three-way contest in the Democratic primary for the district’s nominee. The candidates include Tony Avella, who previously served in the City Council and the State Senate for eight years each and lost to Paladino in a 2021 upset; Christopher Bae, a former assistant district attorney; and Paul Graziano, a land use expert.  

District 23
Eastern Queens, including Bayside Hills, Bellerose, Douglaston, Floral Park, Fresh Meadows, Glen Oaks, New Hyde Park, Queens Village, and Little Neck 

Council Member Linda Lee, a first-term Democrat, faces two challengers in the primary – Steve Behar, who previously served as Counsel to former Council Member Barry Grodenchik, and Rubaiya Rahman, founder of the Autism Society Habilitation Organization, a nonprofit group. 

District 26
Sunnyside, Woodside, Long Island City, Astoria, Dutch Kills

Council Member Julie Won, a first-term Democrat, is facing a spirited challenge from Hailie Kim, a housing organizer with the MinKwon Center for Community Action, who came in eighth in the ranked primary for the district that Won won in 2021.

District 29
Rego Park, Forest Hills, Kew Gardens, Richmond Hill

Council Member Lynn Schulman, a first-term Democrat, faces two primary challengers – Ethan Felder, a labor lawyer and former assistant general counsel at 32BJ SEIU, the powerful property services workers union (which has endorsed Schulman) and Sukhjinder Singh, a community activist.   

District 41
Bedford-Stuyvesant, Ocean Hill-Brownsville, East Flatbush, Crown Heights

Council Member Darlene Mealy, a Democrat, held the District 41 seat from 2006 to 2017, when term-limits forced her from office. She ran and won again in 2021, unseating he successor, Alicka Ampry-Samuel, in the primary. For this year’s primary, Mealy faces three challengers – Isis McIntosh Green, who previously worked for Assemblywoman Latrice Walker and has been endorsed by the Working Families Party; Reginald Bowman, a three-term president of the City Wide Council of Presidents of the New York City Housing Authority; and Joyce Shearin, an author.

District 42
East New York, New Lots, Remsen Village, Spring Creek, Starrett City

Council Member Charles Barron, a Democrat, is a former longtime member of the State Assembly. Barron gave up his Assembly seat for the current Council seat previously held by his wife, Inez Barron, whom he preceded in the Council as they repeatedly swapped seats. This is his fourth term in total as a Council member.

Known as an outspoken radical gadfly and famous for his principled protest votes, Barron faces two challengers – Chris Banks, a community organizer who has challenged Barron several times in the past; and Jamilah Rose, a grant writer and community advocate. 

District 43
Bensonhurst, New Utrecht, and parts of Dyker Heights and Sunset Park

The redistricting process led to the creation of an entirely new District 43, an “Asian opportunity” district that acknowledges the growing Asian-American community in South Brooklyn. The borough has never before elected an Asian City Council member. 

It is one of two open seats in the Council in this election, along with District 9, and three Democratic candidates seeking the nomination – Wai-Yee Chan, executive director of Homecrest Community Services, a local nonprofit; Susan Zhuang, chief of staff to Assemblymember William Colton; and Stanley Ng, a retired computer programmer.

There is also a Republican primary in the district between Vito LaBella, a former NYPD officer who unsuccessfully ran for State Senate last year; and Ying Tan, a community activist.

District 47
Bay Ridge, Bath Beach, Coney Island and Sea Gate

Council Member Ari Kagan, who represents the current District 47, was originally elected as a Democrat in 2021. But, in December, he broke with the party and flipped his registration to Republican as part of the fallout of redistricting and his assessment of his political fortunes. He faces two challengers in this year’s Republican primary for the district – Anna Belfiore-Delfaus, who has faced scrutiny over her declared profession as a teacher and about her residency in the district, and who is backed by neighboring GOP Council Member Inna Vernikov; and Avery Pereira, a special education teacher.

Council Member Justin Brannan, a Democrat who represents the old District 43, saw his political base in Bay Ridge redrawn into the new District 47, where he is seeking reelection without facing a primary challenger.

***
by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

Note - this article has been updated. 



Print Friendly and PDF

Editor's Choice


Gotham Gazette: New York Voters Approve $4.2 Billion Environmental Bond Act
New York Voters Approve $4.2 Billion Environmental Bond Act
Gotham Gazette: 
New York City Voters Approve Racial Justice Ballot Measures
New York City Voters Approve Racial Justice Ballot Measures
Gotham Gazette: 
Housing Development in New York City Slows to a Crawl as Officials Debate Tax Incentives
Housing Development in New York City Slows to a Crawl as Officials Debate Tax Incentives
Gotham Gazette: 
City Council Examines Low Voter Turnout, Moving Local Elections to Even Years City Council Examines Low Voter Turnout, Moving Local Elections to Even Years