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Recent Feature Stories:
The Nod of the Bosses... Scramble for the City Council... Basic Training for Council Recruits... How They Stack up on Term Limit... Dynasties... The Speech that Saved Term Limits...


What is Searchlight on Campaign 2001?
Searchlight on Campaign 2001 is a guide to the political races in what many are calling New York City's most significant campaign season in modern history.

What is so significant about it?
For the first time in memory, most political offices in the city will be wide open to people who have neither money nor connections.

Why will the races be so open?
There are two reasons. This year, a new law goes into effect that limits the terms of New York City elected officials, forcing the mass retirement of most incumbents in the city - including the mayor, the comptroller, the public advocate, four of the five borough presidents, and 36 of the 51 members of the City Council. At the same time, a new campaign finance law kicks in, which allows any candidate who agrees to certain restrictions to collect four dollars of matching funds for every dollar they raise.

What does this have to do with this site?
As a public service, Searchlight on Campaign 2001 has a separate page for each race, including all the races for City Council, that not only sorts out the candidates -- many of them new and unfamiliar -- but also offers an opportunity to learn about the issues, and the districts themselves.

Who is behind Searchlight on Campaign 2001?
Searchlight on Campaign 2001 is a project of Gotham Gazette, a non-profit, non-partisan, non-ideological (but non-boring) web site about New York City news, policy and politics published by Citizens Union Foundation, part of the oldest and largest good-government group in the city (founded in 1897).

What's wrong with the way the regular press covers the races?
That is for you to decide. And one of our regular features, Campaign Trail, helps you to decide. Campaign Trail provides succinct summaries and links to campaign articles in the commercial press.

Who are we?


Ethics In Government: Mark Green

1. CAMPAIGN FINANCE: The city's landmark campaign finance program is now 13 years old.

a) What is your assessment of how the program is working? What changes, if any, would you seek in that law?

b) In 1998, the law was amended in several ways. These include a four-to-one match of smaller contributions from city residents; a ban on corporate contributions; a requirement that candidates disclose if contributors are doing business with the city; and a requirement that political action committees register with the board to qualify as contributors. What is your opinion of the impact of these changes?

There is nothing I have done in public life of which I am prouder than the role I played in the drafting, negotiating and enacting of the City's 1998 campaign finance reforms. On election night in November, 1997, I stated that one of my prime goals for my second term as Public Advocate was to reform the City's campaign finance laws to reduce the influence of large donations and level the playing field for all candidates. In January, 1998, I honored that commitment by drafting and introducing two bills, which increased the matching formula, reduced the maximum contributions and banned corporate donations to those participating in the program. The laws enacted in October 1998 (over the Mayor's veto) were amended versions of those two bills. Earlier this year, when the Mayor sued to invalidate the 4-1 match, I was lead intervenor in a motion in support of the 4-1 match. That suit, fortunately, was mooted by the Council's enactment of a clarifying piece of legislation.

We won't know the full impact of the 1998 reforms until the data from the current election cycle is fully reported. But so far, all the news is good. The City's campaign finance program is a model for the nation, and it has indeed revolutionized our system of financing campaigns. More candidates, from a wider range of backgrounds, are running for office and there has also been a distinct shift in the size and type of donations, with a larger percentage of smaller donations. The ceilings on the amounts that may be spent for each office have leveled the playing field to a degree never done before -- with the exception, of course, of candidates who choose to finance their own races rather than joining the system. So long as Buckley v. Valeo remains the law of the land, that inequity will be difficult to overcome, but I believe there is now growing public approval of spending limits -- and skepticism about candidates who refuse to accept them. Here are a few changes I would recommend to improve the system further:

a) Provide earlier and more frequent reporting and disclosure during the election year of the candidates' contributions and expenditures. The public has a right to more timely information.

b) Enact "pay to play" restrictions on contributions to trustees of the City's five pension funds by key players at companies that advise about, manage, or invest City pension funds -- or seek to do so. The recently introduced bill in the City Council was, in my view, a good start but needs significant fine-tuning.

c) Take steps to ensure sufficient resources and political independence for the Campaign Finance Board. During the past two years, after the Board opined that the 4-1 match would be enforced, the Board was repeatedly threatened with being moved out of its offices into smaller, less desirable quarters, and the Board's budget was cut. As mayor, I would design methods of insulating the Board from such retaliatory, politically motivated threats.

2. ETHICS RULES: The city charter's conflicts of interest rules were last revised in 1988.

a) What changes, if any, do you support in the city's current conflicts of interest provisions?

b) The charter's "revolving door" rules prohibit former city employees from representing paying clients before their former agency for one year after leaving city service. Similar revolving door prohibition on the state level is for two years; five years on some federal level. Do you believe the city's current revolving door provisions are adequate?

The City's Conflicts of Interest rules are excellent. With minor exceptions, I believe they have worked quite well. My suggested changes:

a) Effective enforcement depends in large part on sufficient funding, insulation from political influence and the Board's control over their own investigations. Some consideration should be given to establishing a minimum set budget for the Board -- as exists for the Independent Budget Office -- and to providing the Board with subpoena power to handle its own investigations, at least in smaller cases. At present, the Board must always rely on the Department of Investigation, which is headed by a mayoral appointee.

b) "Pay to Play" -- I would explore whether "pay to play" rules governing campaign contributions to fiduciaries of the City's pension funds could or should be included in the Conflicts of Interest Rules.

c) "Revolving Door" -- The City's one-year revolving door rule should be increased to 2 years, similar to the State's. For former employees who had served in high level executive roles, I would also prohibit both appearances and lobbying by the employee and the employee's spouse before any mayoral agen cy -- not only the agency where the employee worked.

d) Use of City resources -- City Charter § 1136.1 should be amended to prohibit the use of government funds for public advertisements or mass mailings by City officials who are running for any elective office -- including state or federal positions. (Current law covers only candidates for City office). I would also ban more than one mass mailing with public funds by a Council candidate and more than two for a citywide candidate during the entire election year. (The law now applies only 30 days before the election.)

3. CITY HALL STEPS: There has been an ongoing controversy on access to City Hall and its steps, with Mayor Giuliani citing security concerns to impose a permit system for groups seeking to hold news conferences and other events on the steps and plaza area. What would be your policy on the use of City Hall for these activities? Do you support, oppose or have another position on the current permitting regulations? A bill -- Intro 657-A -- is pending in the City Council to suspend the permitting requirements for groups under a certain number. Do you support, oppose or have another position on the bill?

I have strenuously protested the Mayor's restrictions on the use of the City's "Hyde Park." I oppose any restrictions on the use of City Hall steps except ordinary "time, place and manner" restrictions consistent with Supreme Court precedents, which would include restrictions based on evidence of a threat to public safety. I have always opposed the permitting requirements for use of City Hall steps and plaza and have joined numerous protests on that issue. I articulated that position in testimony bef ore the City Department of Citywide Administrative Services on April 22, 1999.

4. CROSSWALKS: In 1993, the city created the Crosswalks channels, which cablecasts the public activities of the mayor, City Council, other officials and city agencies.

a) What, if any, changes would you make in Crosswalks coverage and operations?

b) In recent years, the city has used its Crosswalks channels in a variety of ways. These include cablecast of track races to assist the Off Track Betting Corporation; leasing the channels to commercial foreign language program; and for CUNY television. Would you continue these uses? What other kind of programming would you envision for Crosswalks?

Crosswalks is a valuable resource that's grossly underused. It should be imaginatively redesigned to satisfy the government-junkies among us and also provoke public interest in government for everyone else -- by focusing on the nuts and bolts of government decision-making on issues that affect every day life and on debates on hot issues of the day. Gotham Gazette is a wonderful example of how that has been done on the Internet.

Crosswalks should be the City's C-SPAN, covering City Council meetings and hearings, local neighborhood forums, and City agency hearings and public forums. I would continue to oppose use of Crosswalks for commercial purposes - as I did in 1999 when I joined other elected officials in an amicus curiae brief opposing the use of Crosswalks by Fox News and Bloomberg TV in the federal lawsuit, Time Warner, et al., v. Giuliani.

5. PUBLIC INFORMATION: The 1989 charter created a Commission on Public Information and Communication, chaired by the Public Advocate. It mission includes: reviewing city information policies and the use of new communications technologies for the city; and issuing advisory opinions on Open Meetings and Freedom of Information requests. It has not been funded since 1991 and has rarely met in recent years.

a) What role, if any, do you see COPIC serving during the next four years?

b) What other steps would you take to assist New Yorkers in obtaining information about government activities and services?

I have spent 7-1/2 years battling the current administration's policy of wrongly (and sometimes illegally) withholding information from the public and from other elected officials, including myself. One of the first things I would do as Mayor is change the entire tone at City Hall so government is an open book -- unless safety, security or privacy dictates otherwise. I would make sure every City Commissioner understands and complies with the Freedom of Information Law and I would end the system of "government by enemies list" -- where disfavored officials or groups are iced out of meetings, forums, and access to information.

COPIC (the Commission on Public Information and Communication): Despite my designation as COPIC's chairperson, I have been unable to effectuate its purposes as specified in the Charter -- due to the complete absence of any funding since I was elected as Public Advocate. I lent my staff at various times to convene meetings and, in 1998, to write, publish and distribute under COPIC's name (with Public Advocate funds) a guide to the Freedom of Information Law and the State Open Meetings law. ("Let the Sunshine In"). Without funding, however, it's been difficult to update the booklet's phone numbers or to produce other valuable guides for citizens. Last year, I was not even able to get the Mayor and other elected officials to appoint their designees to the COPIC board.

As Mayor, I would use COPIC as intended -- to be the City version of the State Committee on Open Government (Public Officers Law § 100 et seq). COPIC should (a) have a reasonable annual budget line (b) issue a Public Data Directory each year -- as prescribed by Charter § 1062 (we tried for years to get the information for such a directory, but the Mayor's office never made it available to us), and (c) issue advisory opinions on access to information requests from City agencies, as the Charter prescribes.

I would also rely very extensively on increasing access to government through the Internet. My office was the first in the City to establish a government website, and in May, 1999, I issued a report entitled Municipal Government Online: How NYC Can Become the Internet City. The report urged NYC to furnish a wide variety of government information on line, including, for example -- as several other cities do -- neighborhood-by-neighborhood crime data, anti-corruption data on contractors, and data on residential home sales. We also need many more public Internet terminals ( in community boards, libraries, public buildings), as well as low-cost private ones. If you can hop into a low-cost "internet cafe" in dozens of small cities all over Mexico and Central America, why not in NYC?

6. WHISTEBLOWERS: What additional protections, if any, would you support to protect city employees who report government corruption, waste or inefficiency?

In 1995 -- and again in 1998 -- Council member Stan Michaels and I introduced a bill in the City Council to significantly expand and strengthen NYC's whistleblower law. The bill protected City employees who report gross mismanagement or waste of public funds -- in addition to criminal conduct and corruption, which are covered in the current law. The bill also set a strict timetable for the Department of Investigation (DOI) to investigate the whistleblower's complaint, required DOI to report its progress and final determination to the whistleblower, and defined the standard for determining the validity of the complaint -- particularly relevant in a "mixed motive" case. Most important, the law would have required remedial action for whistleblowers punished for reporting, and it imposed sanctions against a supervisor who has retaliated against a whistleblower. Unfortunately, a Council committee never sent the bill for a hearing.

In 1995, I also introduced a local "False Claims Act" (or "qui tam") bill in the City council. Modeled after the federal False Claims Act, it would provide financial incentives to City employees who expose major fraud, corruption or waste of government assets.

7. CONTRACTING: New York City purchases more than $7 billion a year in goods and services. The new charter made sweeping changes in the way the city contracts, placing basic authority for the award of city contracts with the office of the mayor. What steps have you taken and would you take to insure efficient and ethical city contracting?

In 1994, I issued a detailed report and held a public hearing on the need to make New York City a better consumer. The Citizens Budget Commission highlighted our recommendations as a way of saving the City hundreds of millions of dollars a year. Since then, my office has conducted a series of investigations on problems with City and MTA contracts, including an expose of the City's purchase of rotten food for homeless shelters and day care centers and a recent discovery that HRA is planning to contract for home care services with two companies with serious histories of Medicaid and/or Medicare fraud.

I strongly support legislation that would allow the City to pre-qualify contractors before they are permitted to bid on a City contract. Similarly, I support an effort to create a single centralized agency to assess contractors' ethical responsibility.

8. DEPARTMENT OF INVESTIGATION: The Commissioner of Investigations serves at the pleasure of the mayor. Some have argued that granting the commissioner a fixed term would increase their independence; others have said that it is important for the commissioner to be fully accountable to a mayor and thus removable when necessary. Do you support, oppose or have another position on having the commissioner serve for a fixed term?

I support granting the Commissioner of DOI a fixed term of office. It is far more difficult for a Commissioner who serves solely at the pleasure of the Mayor to be truly independent and impartial -- particularly when faced with an allegation of corruption against a high up mayoral official or agency. In addition, DOI does the investigations for the Conflicts of Interest Board, placing that Board at the whim of current politics as well. In 1994 I introduced a bill in the City Council calling for the creation of a panel of the Mayor, the Comptroller and the Chair of the Conflicts of Interest Board to appoint the DOI Commissioner for a term of 5 years and permitting removal of the Commissioner only for cause by a majority vote of the panel.

9. PRIVATE FUNDS: There has been continuing controversies about the use of private funds in government projects.

a) Past mayors have set up private corporations to solicit funds for summit meetings, travel abroad, parades, inaugurations and other events. What is your view on the appropriate role for the use of private funds to support these initiatives?

b) City parks officials came under fire for requiring groups wishing to use parks for private events to pay differing fees to benefit a private parks foundation. How would you handle this situation?

Private funding to supplement City work can be extremely valuable and I have used it effectively to increase the Public Advocate's services to children and families. In 1995 I created C-PLAN -- Child Planning and Advocacy Now -- which has grown over the years into a high regarded, specialized child welfare ombudsman unit that works in partnership with my government office. Without private foundation funding, my office could not have afforded the skilled social work assistance and the numerous research, investigative and policy studies of the child welfare system and the Family Court that C-PLAN has provided

I believe, however, that there are dangers to private funding that must be avoided. First, the work of an affiliated private entity must clearly serve legitimate government purposes. Second, the sources of the funds and their use should be subject to public release. Third, private entities must be publicly accountable in essential ways. They should not be used to shield the government from public view or accountability. Fourth, there should be a strict set of rules and a fixed fee schedule for private use of public facilities such as use of the parks for special events and the use of athletic fields and facilities for sporting events.

10. POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT: What are or would be your guidelines for insuring that government staff and resources not be abused for political campaign purposes?

Preventing use of government staff for political campaigns is a difficult but important challenge in an electoral system. The Conflicts of Interest rules -- and effective education, training and enforcement -- are most likely the best way to address the problem. Government staff should be urged to check regularly with the Conflicts of Interest Board about any questionable activity, and should be encouraged to attend COB forums and educational seminars. I also recommend -- as stated in No. 2 above, -- that the use of government mailings during election years be strictly curtailed and that pay to play rules be adopted for pension fund trustees who are elected officials.

11. VOTER REGISTRATION: Nearly two million New Yorkers who are eligible to vote are not registered to vote. In 2000, the city enacted a Pro-Voter law to strengthen voter registration activities by city agencies, including the non-partisan Voter Assistance Commission. As mayor, what steps would you take to encourage voter registration and participation? What role do you see for the Voter Assistance Commission?

I was a prime sponsor of the Pro-Voter bill and as a member of the Voter Assistance Commission, have worked long and hard (but so far unsuccessfully) since 1994 to make that entity an effective advocate for increased registration. While I am very pleased that the Mayor agreed at my urging to allocate new funds to VAC, I am extremely disappointed in the slow pace of any VAC reforms and the weak implementation, if any, of the Pro-Voter bill. Last week I wrote to VAC urging a much stronger set of guidelines for City agencies to use in assisting citizens to register and insuring that their registration forms are timely forwarded to the Board of Elections.

12. INDEPENDENT BUDGET OFFICE: Both former Mayor Dinkins and Mayor Giuliani opposed establishing an Independent Budget Office, saying it was unnecessary despite civic and editorial support for the office. The IBO was eventually set up in 1995 by court order. Do you support, oppose or have another position on the continued existence of the IBO?

I was one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit that forced the City to establish and fund the IBO in 1996 -- over the opposition of the Mayor, the Comptroller and the City Council -- and played a very active role in the litigation strategy and in the selection of the IBO Director. In 1998, I was again a plaintiff in a successful lawsuit that forced the Mayor and the Comptroller to provide the IBO with information it required to complete its work.

I believe those efforts by my office have paid off ten-fold. The IBO has been an enormous asset to the City and has provided invaluable, sophisticated budget analyses and fiscal information to the public at large, the press, community groups and elected officials.

13. ELECTIONS: What steps would you take as mayor to improve and modernize how city elections are run by the Board of Elections?

First and foremost, the Board of Elections must have sufficient funding to make a series of long-overdue, essential reforms. It must replace the current outdated voting machines with new technology, increase the salaries (and create split shifts) for the inspectors who work at the polling places, increase poll inspector training and supervision, and hire more and better equipped mechanics (e.g., -- with cell phones) to solve machine problems on election day. My counsel has been participating in meetings of the Mayor's Task Force on Election Reform and it is clear that with open seats in so many offices, and the use of a new vote-scanning machine, the Board of Elections will face enormous hurdles in the upcoming election. It is essential that the Board have adequate resources to meet those challenges so NYC does not become another Florida.

In 1996, following a problem with voting machines at many polling places in Brooklyn, I issued a report, which made a series of longer-range recommendations. I urged the establishment of a professional, non-partisan Board of Elections, more like the Campaign Finance board than our current bifurcated, bi-partisan Board of Elections. I believe that is a critical change that the State Legislature should address.

14. TERM LIMITS: Term limits for all elected officials are due to take effect his year. Do you support, oppose or have another position on the city's term limits law?

I have consistently supported term limits for executive offices but opposed it for the legislature/City Council. I do not believe any effort should be made at this time to overturn those limits, however, since they have been resoundingly supported by popular referenda on two occasions in recent years. I was strongly opposed to the effort this past year to overturn those referenda by legislation. We will learn a lot in the next four years about the impact of term limits -- after which the issue might be ripe again for study.

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Find what city council district you are in -- and learn more about what's going on there, and who's running.

What is this?
Gotham Gazette's Searchlight on Campaign 2001 offers a comprehensive look at what is being called New York City's most significant campaign season in modern history. (See the left-hand column for an explanation).

Districts of the Week

District 1 -- Lower Manhattan
Whoever wins the election in district 1 will represent immigrant Chinese garment workers, as well as Wall Street traders living in Battery Park City. There are several candidates hoping to be the council's firsts -- the first Asian-American man, the first Asian-American woman, the first gay Rhodes Scholar, the first dot-com guru -- running against some politically well connected opponents. Endorsements and fundraising will play a big role in this race. But voter turnout could be the main determinant of who will next represent district 1 on the council. The key question is how many voters from each community will come out on Election Day.

District 7 -- Washington Heights, Manhattan
The northern tip of Manhattan has become one of the most popular places for new immigrants to call home. The northern tip of Manhattan is a place that today's new immigrants call home. The majority have come from the Dominican Republic, but also from countries in South America, Eastern Europe, and Asia. But it is not just new immigrants that are moving in. Students, artists, and other Manhattanites looking for less expensive rents and larger apartments have also moved north. Ten Democratic candidates are competing for the 15,000 voters expected on primary day. The winner who emerges from a crowded field of candidates will have to balance the needs of the newcomers with those who have lived there for years.

District 16 -- Highbridge, Bronx
The neighborhoods of district 16 are the city's poorest, with the highest rate of unemployment and the lowest median household income. But those who live there also point out that much is positive and stable about the area, thanks in large part to local organizations, not-for-profit agencies, and houses of worship that help hold the neighborhoods together. Each candidate for City Council believes that through his or her connections to churches and local organizations, they can help empower the community toward a better life. Helen Foster, the current council member daughter, will face Michael Benjamin, who has worked as an aide to several government officials and Anthony Curry, a Bronx neighborhood activist.

District 20 -- Northeast Flushing, Queens
This year district 20 may elect the first Asian-American ever to the City Council to an area which now has the second highest number of immigrants from Korea and Taiwan in the city. There are three Asian candidates in the Democratic race who have each drawn big endorsements. Council Speaker Peter Vallone endorsed Terence Park, City Comptroller Alan Hevesi endorsed John Liu, and the New York Times recently endorsed Ethel Chen The campaign has also drawn national and international press coverage

District 25 -- Jackson Heights, Queens
Thirty-seventh Avenue in Jackson Heights, Queens is one of the most diverse streets in the world. Little India quickly blends into Little Colombia, with vendors selling Latin American food to Colombians, Peruvians, Ecuadorians, Mexicans, and Uruguayans. And each summer, the Queens Pride Parade fills the same street with rainbow banners. So it is no surprise that this election year the district produced a diverse field of candidates. A number of them, however, found out that getting on the ballot is not an easy task, especially when the Queens Democratic organization sends teams of lawyers to challenge petitions. But five Democratic candidates survived and will face off on September 11.

District 31 -- South East Queens
When a heavy rain hits southeast Queens, many residents in neighborhoods like Springfield Gardens, Laurelton and Rosedale head to the basement with a bucket in hand. And it has been that way for the last 50 years. In the rush to build housing in the area after World War II, developers overlooked the need for storm drains in hopes that the city would eventually build a city-wide sewer system. The plan never materialized and the area has experienced "100-year rains" three times in the last decade. The eight Democrats -- all with little experience overseeing massive infrastructure projects--will try to convince voters that they can finally solve the flooding problems.

District 35 -- Central Brooklyn
The residents in council district 35 have some of the highest incomes in Brooklyn and some of the lowest. They can play in a famous park and a beautiful botanical garden, and live in the city's most crumbling public housing. They can attend one of the four institutions of higher learning in the district, and the worst-scoring high schools in the city. Such juxtapositions are a way of life for a district that includes the Brooklyn Academy of Music, the Brooklyn Museum, and the Brooklyn Botanical Gardens; mid dle-class African-American communities near Prospect Park; immigrant communities from Haiti, Sierra Leon, Nigeria, and Trinidad, and in Crown Heights, a mix of Hasidic Jews and African-Americans. Seven Democratic candidates are campaigning in hopes that they can bring some kind of unity, and attention, to the area. Their backgrounds are as diverse as the neighborhoods themselves.

District 39 -- Park Slope/Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn
The candidates in district 39 include a chief of staff for an Assemblywoman, the husband of a member of U.S. Congress, a lawyer for the Legal Aid Society, an attorney and president of the Central Brooklyn Independent Democrats, Senator Hillary Clinton's campaign manager, the district manager of Community Board 6, and a labor organizer. This is the race to watch this year. The group of high-profile Democrats have raised a lot of money, almost $1.4 million combined.

District 45 -- East Flatbush
In no place in the city are the effects of campaign finance reform and term limits being felt more than in East Flatbush. The seven Democratic candidates seeking to represent this largely West Indian district come from a number of Caribbean nations. Many have been working on politicians' staffs and serving with community groups, clearly hoping someday to win their own elected office. Term limits has presented them with that opportunity, and they want to make the most of it. But this race that usually draws only about 8,000 voters could be decided by just a few votes. The candidates are attempting to come up with anything that will separate them from the pack.

District 49 -- North Shore, Staten Island
Staten Island has always been somewhat of a suburban stepchild to New York City. When a 1998 survey asked New Yorkers why they go to Staten Island, the top two responses were ''visiting friends and relatives" and ''passing through.'' But in many ways, the north shore has more in common with areas of Manhattan and Brooklyn than with the rest of the Staten Island. The top priority for all the candidates -- Jon Del Giorno, an administrative manager for the Board of Elections, Mike McMahon, an attorney and counsel to current Councilmember Jerome O'Donovan, and Debi Rose, an administrator at the College of Staten Island and the first African-American candidate in Staten Island politics -- is to make sure that the island becomes more than just a turn-around-point for the over one million tourists who ride the free ferry from Manhattan each year.

Register To Vote or Be A Poll Worker

Voter Registration Forms
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Board of Elections
32 Broadway, 7th Floor
New York, NY

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Poll Worker Applications

After completing the forms, please send them to the address on the form.

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Links You Can Use

Government sites
NYC Campaign Finance Bd.
NYC Board of Elections
NYC Voter Assistance Comm.
NY City Council
Federal Election Comm.

Local non-partisan sites
NY League of Women Voters
Common Cause New York

National non-partisan sites
Ctr. for Responsive Politics
Common Cause
League of Women Voters

NAACP Voter Empowerment
Vote Smart


Political consultants
Amer. Assc. of Pol. Consultants

Prime New York

Gotham Gazette
The Empire Page
Campaigns and Elections
Legislative Gazette

Political columnists
Andrea Bernstein
Joe Conason
Mario Cuomo (radio)
Rudy Giuliani (radio)
Clyde Haberman
Nat Hentoff

Joseph Mercurio
Joyce Purnick
John Tierney
Michael Tomasky

Political parties
Right to Life
Working Families
Marijuana Reform
Natural Law Party
Taxpayers Party

Political clubs and groups
Blueprint Camp. Finance Reform
Central Queens Greens
The Jefferson Democratic Club of Flushing
NY Young Republican Club
Stonewall Democratic Club
Village Independent Dems.

Abbreviations for Party Affiliation

American Dream Party (AMD)
Better Schools Party (BES)
Communist (Com)
Conservative (Con)
Constitution (CST)
Democratic (Dem)
Friends United Party (FUN)
Fusion Party (FUS)
Green (Gre)
Harmony Party (HAR)
Independence (Ind)
Liberal (Lib)
Libertarian (LBT)
Marijuana Reform Party (POT)
Natural Law Party (NLP)
Party of Ethics and Traditions (PET)
Reform Party (Ref)
Republican (Rep)
Right to Life (RTL)
School Choice Party (Sch)
Socialist Workers Party (SWP)
Working Families (Wor)

2001 Election Calendar

June 1 -- Deadline for candidates to join the Campaign Finance program, qualifying for the four-to-one match of contributions.
June 5 - First day for candidates from the eight major parties (Democratic, Republican, Indpendence, Conservative, Liberal, Green, Working Families, and Right to Life) to circulate petitions. Candidates running for City Council must collect the signatures of at least 900 people living in the district for which they are running in order to appear on the Primary ballot. Candidates not running under these eight major parties do not appear on the Primary ballot and have a separate set of deadlines.
July 12 - Deadline for major party candidates to file petitions.
July 10 - First day for unaffiliated candidates to circulate petitions, in order to appear on the ballot in the General Election. They must collect the number of signatures equal to five percent of the total enrolled in that party.
August 7 - Board of Elections announces candidates appearing on the Primary ballot.
August 17 - Last day for non-absentee voters to register to vote in the Primary Election.
August 21 - Deadline for non-major party candidates to file petitions to be included on the General Election ballot.
September 4 - Last day to postmark application for absentee voting in the Primary
September 10 - Last day to personally deliver application for absentee voting in the Primary Last day to postmark absentee ballot for Primary
September 11 - Primary election; Polls open at 6:00a.m. and close at 9:00p.m.; Absentee ballots must be hand-delivered by 9:00 p.m.
September 25 - Runoff Primary election for Mayor, Comptroller and Public Advocate, if needed
October 12 - Last day to for non-absentee voters to register to vote in the General Election
October 30 - Last day to postmark application for absentee voting in the General Election
November 5 - Last day to hand-deliver an application for absentee voting, or to postmark an absentee ballot for the General Election.
November 6 - General Election; polls open at 6:00a.m. and close at 9:00p.m. in NYC; Absentee ballots must be hand-delivered by 9:00 p.m.

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