Mayor and poice leaders (photo: Benjamin Kanter/Mayoral Photo Office)
Since the pandemic started, thousands of Black New Yorkers across the state have taken to the streets demanding that government officials treat our lives with dignity. A full year of pandemic grief, loss, and anxiety in places like Brooklyn and Buffalo has deepened our question: What would it look like if city spending truly invested in our everyday problems instead of inflated police department budgets?
Instead of spending on surveillance drones and riot gear, could we redirect public money to what we actually need—laptops for our students, emergency mental health care for our neighbors, support for the back rent so many out-of-work friends owe?
This past June, Governor Cuomo, under pressure to deliver police reform, issued Executive Order 203 (EO 203), requiring local governments to submit police reform plans to New York State by April 1. These plans mandated the leadership of mayors, county executives, police chiefs, sheriffs—local officials who are often targets of police accountability campaigns. Organizers like us and our groups’ members—working class, professional, and low-income Black folks—often don’t make it on their outreach lists.
EO 203 was a move by the governor to step in and moderate change in a time of uprising. By design, the process led by police and municipal leaders was meant to undermine our demands, falsely presenting the voices of a selected few as the will of the many. Using state funding as the means to hold municipalities accountable only exacerbated this issue.
Between our two organizations and decades of organizing in Black communities, we know that the only real way to drastically reduce police violence is to reduce the outsized funding, power, scope, and footprint of police departments and police unions.
The plan passed by the New York City Council last month included nothing that will directly decrease police violence or increase firings of abusive police or accountability – two criteria that should be central to any real police reform plan. Mayor de Blasio’s “community engagement” process to create New York City’s plan was a sham, and the final resolution that the City Council passed, and the mayor supported, lacked many reforms that would directly address policing. Those that do address policing directly are things that were already agreed to or required by law.
New York City’s plan includes moving homeless outreach from the NYPD to the Department of Homeless Services, which was agreed to last year and hasn’t been fully implemented. The NYPD is seemingly continuing its inhumane practice of carrying out homeless sweeps. The portion of the plan that talks about accountability and transparency relies on the NYPD ‘discipline matrix,’ which incentivizes and tolerates a wide range of police violence and codifies that officers will not be fired for many instances of violence.
In Buffalo, Mayor Brown hand-selected the members of Buffalo’s Commission on Police Reform, which released the reform agenda to the public with only 72 hours for public comment via email or voicemail. Like in New York City, the reforms put forth in Buffalo are either reforms the city committed to several years ago, and never implemented, or agenda items that would increase the community’s interaction with police. This plan also backtracks on previous community wins, specifically around police in schools. The four-page plan is one of ideas, with no concrete measures to bring any of them >to fruition, leaving the public wondering: is the city actually committed to reform?
Both the Buffalo and New York City plans included provisions that may lead to continued expansion of bloated police budgets and footprints in Black, Latino, and other communities of color, like more training for officers, and failed to remove police from schools—a long-held demand of the movement.
Training and diversity initiatives don’t uproot anti-Blackness out of policing. More anti-bias, mental health response, and de-escalation training doesn’t end police violence or ensure police accountability—officers still kill, brutalize, and harass.
Governor Cuomo’s mandate was a failed attempt to get ahead of an organized, bold, Black-led movement. EO 203 and the plans that resulted are meant to undermine our demands while claiming to be the answer. But the movement for Black lives and police accountability isn’t going away until our people get what we deserve.
We are fighting for more than Black lives—we are fighting for Black futures that are safe and secure without harmful policing. We are fighting for redirection of police funds to non-police safety alternatives. We are fighting for removal of police where they don’t belong, like mental health care. We are fighting in solidarity with young people demanding #PoliceFreeSchools where they can be supported to flourish.
As organizers, our reality is that if police departments could reform themselves, we wouldn’t be fighting at all.
***
Anthonine Pierre is a steering committee member of Communities United for Police Reform (CPR) and Deputy Director of the Brooklyn Movement Center. Phylicia Brown is the Executive Director of Black Love Resists in the Rust (BLRR), based in Buffalo. They serve together on the steering committee of the NYS Black Freedom Project. On Twitter @AnthoninePierre & @BLRRBuffalo.
***
Have an op-ed idea or submission for Gotham Gazette? Email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
A Success school (photo: DOE)
A new Class Size Matters report, DoE Overspending On Charter School Facility Costs and Underspending On Matching Funds To Public Schools reveals that the New York City Department of Education has overspent by many millions on rent for charter schools, while denying co-located traditional public schools millions of dollars of their legally-required matching funds for facility upgrades and repairs.
This report was an update from our earlier 2019 report, which found many of the same problems after analyzing Department of Education (DOE) spending data that we had acquired through Freedom of Information Law (FOIL) requests and spreadsheets posted on the City Council website.
As a result of this earlier report, the city Comptroller’s office sent a letter to the schools Chancellor in January 2020, asking him to respond to our findings. When Deputy Chancellor Karin Goldmark replied several months later, she surprisingly did not refute any of our conclusions and actually confirmed some of our findings. She also sent a new spreadsheet that purported to show DOE’s matching funds that contained data completely different from the data provided to us earlier by DOE via FOIL and/or from the City Council website.
Yet the data in the new spreadsheets still revealed considerable shortfalls in matching funds nearly as egregious as we found in our original report. The state passed a law in 2010 requiring that any spending undertaken by co-located charter schools to enhance their spaces be also offered to traditional public schools that shared the buildings, in recognition that too often traditional public school students were subjected to separate but unequal conditions inside the same building as well-funded charter schools, which are privately run. Nevertheless, we found that only four traditional public schools out of 812 instances over six years had received funds equal to the amount spent by their co-located charter schools on facility upgrades, and not a single traditional public school received the cumulative amount owed to them from fiscal year 2014 to fiscal year 2019.
Instead, 127 co-located traditional public schools were owed a total of $15.5 million over this six-year period. A searchable database of schools that lacked matching funds is posted here.
Two of the five schools that were the most shortchanged were District 75 schools for children with serious learning differences and disabilities, despite the fact that staff and parents at these public schools reported considerable needs for upgrades and repair. One of those D75 schools is the Mickey Mantle school in East Harlem that shares space with Success Academy Harlem 3 and lacked over $1.5 million in matching funds over six years. According to the school’s Building Condition Assessment Survey, as of last summer, the school had windows without gates, emergency exit doors without alarms, and a non-operational emergency lighting and sound system.
Air conditioning is especially important in D75 schools, as their schools are open all summer and many of their students have complex health issues that are exacerbated by the heat. However Allister Johnson, a teacher and the UFT chapter leader at the Mickey Mantle school, told us that their air conditioners break down constantly: “We cannot use the classrooms for summer school. We have fragile kids with breathing problems. It would be dangerous for them to be in classrooms where all the air conditioners are not working properly.” He added that the staff bathroom has leaked for at least six years which floods the floors of the stalls, and that the children’s bathroom lacks hot water on a regular basis.
Another school that lacked nearly a million dollars in renovation funds is Mosaic Preparatory Academy in the same building. A parent and PTA officer at the school, Shaheem Lewis, reported that for years, the school had asked the city School Construction Authority to fix the seats in the auditorium that were falling apart and to repair the floors of the stage and the gym that had become dangerously worn.
In response to a Daily News article on our findings, DOE officials claimed that “some of the matching money may not arrive at public schools concurrently with the charter schools’ spending, and thus would not have been reflected in the spending reports analyzed by Class Size Matters.”
Yet this statement ignores that the 2010 state law requires that the matching funds be provided to the traditional public school within three months of the charter school’s expenditures, and our report found millions of dollars missing in cumulative matching funds over a period of six years.
According to the DOE spreadsheets, officials claimed several reasons for not matching these funds, including that these funds were not necessary if the charter school expenditures were made on air conditioners, repainting and/or reflooring projects. The DOE repeated this claim to WCBS-TV, which aired a segment on our report, focused on the lack of payments to Mosaic Prep:
“…data shows from 2014 to 2019, Success Academy Harlem East received about $929,000 in renovation funding not matched by the Department of Education…the DOE says $913,000 of those expenditures, including the cost of new AC units, are exempt.”
Yet as our report pointed out, charter school spending on air conditioners as well as repainting and reflooring are specifically cited in Chancellor’s regulations A-190 as triggering matching funds.
In 2014, another change was made to state law requiring that charter schools be given space within New York City public school buildings or that the city help pay for their rent in private spaces. Yet even given the mandate in this law, we found that the DOE has been overspending on charter school rental payments by millions of dollars over many years.
According to our analysis, in fiscal year 2019, the DOE overspent by $21 million on lease subsidies for 39 charter schools by paying them >more than their base rents. We also found that the DOE has been leasing eight buildings directly for charter schools, rather than asking them to rent the buildings themselves, and thus has made itself ineligible to receive an estimated $8 million in state reimbursement in fiscal year 2020 alone.
The DOE payments for charter school lease subsidies also increased sharply, by 41% from fiscal year 2019 to fiscal year 2020. In many cases, this was triggered by ballooning charter school rent that needs further explanation. For example, the rent skyrocketed at all three sites that housed Hebrew Language Academy Charter Schools: at the school in Manhattan, the rent increased from approximately $148,000 to $2.9 million in one year, while more than doubling at one site in Brooklyn from $931,000 to $2.5 million and increasing by more than 13 times at another Brooklyn site, from just over $80,000 to $1.06 million.
DOE has also been paying rental subsidies for eight charter schools whose Charter Management Organization or affiliated organization owns their own space, at a cost of $11.6 million in fiscal year 2020. In some of these cases, the rents of these charter schools also grew dramatically, raising questions about whether these rents were fairly assessed or were hiked for the purpose of self-dealing.
In one especially startling example, we found that the rent for the two Success Academy charter schools housed at Hudson Yards increased from approximately $793,000 to over $3.4 million – more than quadrupling – despite the fact that the space is owned by the Success Charter Management Organization. (The picture of that facility is above, from the cover of the report.) This increase in rent allowed Success to charge the DOE over $3 million in rental subsidies for those two schools alone in fiscal year 2020.
To address these concerns, we are proposing that the Department of Education regularly post online all funds spent by co-located charter schools on facility upgrades within three months of these expenditures, and the data provided to principals and School Leadership Teams at the traditional public schools that share their buildings.
These reports should include any matching funds DOE has provided to the traditional public schools or intends to provide in the future, along with the time frame. If the DOE determines that any of these charter expenses are exempted from triggering matching funds, the reasons for this exemption should be clearly described, along with a citation from the law or the regulations that allow for the exclusion.
The city Comptroller’s office should also audit all DOE spending on matching funds and if our findings of shortfalls are confirmed, demand that the DOE contribute the full amounts to the co-located traditional public schools that have been denied their proper share of funds for renovation and upgrades over the last six years.
The city Comptroller should also analyze whether the DOE actually did overspend on rental assistance to charter schools by $21 million in 2019, as the spreadsheets indicate. If so, the DOE should demand that these charter schools reimburse those funds in future years or subtract the amounts from future payments. The Comptroller should also annually analyze whether the rents charged to charter schools are fairly assessed, especially those whose buildings are owned by their CMOs or other allied organizations, to ensure that these schools and their landlords are not gouging the city by charging more than they would otherwise.
Finally, the state Legislature should eliminate any obligation on the part of the city to require that charter schools be given space in public school buildings or provide rental assistance through the state. The New York City Department of Education is the only district in the state and indeed in the nation required to help pay rent to charter schools, and it is simply unfair to burden them with this mandate. especially given the poor record of many charter schools in enrolling and retaining high-needs students. In fiscal year 2020, this legal mandate cost taxpayers nearly $108 million, an amount that the Office of Management and Budget has projected will increase to $160 million by fiscal year 2022, as charter schools continue to expand in enrollment and the per-student subsidy for rent rises over time.
***
Leonie Haimson is the Executive Director of Class Size Matters. On Twitter @leoniehaimson.
***
Have an op-ed idea or submission for Gotham Gazette? Email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
ThriveNYC help desk (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography)
As New York City continues to navigate the fallout of COVID-19, a new crisis is upon us. In October 2020, nearly 40% of New Yorkers reported symptoms of anxiety and/or depression. In January 2021, The New York Times reported fivefold increases in psychologist services and long waiting lists for mental health care. A mental health crisis in New York City is playing out among family members in cramped apartments; among frontline workers providing essential services in grocery aisles, delivery trucks, and emergency rooms; and increasingly in the city’s public spaces like sidewalks and subways.
Our city is not unique in facing a public mental health emergency. However, one piece of good news is that we are uniquely prepared to respond.
Though often maligned by some, the ThriveNYC initiative has consolidated and strengthened New York City's broad spectrum of mental health services, from efforts to destigmatize asking for help to intensive 24/7 treatment for people living with serious mental illness. While public policy efforts must be—and are—held accountable for resource allocation and results, ThriveNYC’s innovation in how a large and complex city approaches its residents’ mental health is the kind of groundbreaking civic initiative that has long-defined New York City.
By and large, ThriveNYC has created a robust citywide infrastructure of mental health services that are now pivoting to rapidly respond to New Yorkers’ increasingly urgent needs. Cutting funding to ThriveNYC—as has been suggested by some candidates running for Mayor—would cause significant harm to hundreds of thousands of individuals in need of assistance; individuals who currently rely on ThriveNYC programs. Such cuts would disproportionately impact communities of color and people who rely on publicly-funded health services, the very individuals and communities most severely impacted by COVID-19. And they would directly hinder the city’s recovery from the mental health crisis surging in the pandemic’s wake.
Hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers have relied on the more than 30 programs ThriveNYC has funded since 2016. This >is possible through the partnerships ThriveNYC has fostered with more than 200 nonprofit organizations, many of which have been working for years to provide New Yorkers facing difficult challenges with the holistic, wraparound care they need not just to survive but to succeed. While these organizations receive funding from diverse sources, ThriveNYC’s commitment to funding innovative approaches to mental health has allowed us to deliver the cutting-edge services that people in a city as complex as New York need and deserve.
These innovative services mean help is available in schools, senior centers, homeless shelters, or wherever in the community someone calls home. It means support for mothers with newborn babies, for veterans, and for New York City employees. It means victim advocates in police precincts citywide. It means intensive services for individuals with serious mental illness involved in the court system.
Community-based organizations funded by ThriveNYC are the frontline defense against the mental health crisis New York now faces, a crisis likely to be experienced as individual and community trauma long after the last vaccine is administered. Recovery as a city from this pandemic requires continuing investment in mental health. Let's leverage the investment we’ve made in ThriveNYC to help all New Yorkers bounce back.
***
Joel Copperman is the CEO of CASES and Liz Roberts is the CEO of Safe Horizon. We are joined in this statement by Muzzy Rosenblatt, Bowery Residents Committee, Amy Dorin, The Coalition for Behavioral Health, Traci Donnelly, The Child Center of NY, Michelle Yanche, Good Shepherd Services, David Garza, Henry Street Settlement, Mitchell Netburn, Samaritan Daytop Village, and Keith Little, SCO Family of Services.
***
Have an op-ed idea or submission for Gotham Gazette? Email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.