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Filling Albany's Big Three


Like so many establishment Republican candidates this year, Rick Lazio was supposed to have a clear path to the general election.

But things have not worked out that way for the former U.S. representative from Long Island, who lost to Hillary Clinton for Senate in 2000. As some in the party began to grumble about his alleged lack of effectiveness as a candidate, Suffolk County executive Steve Levy decided he wanted the nomination.

There was one problem: Levy was, until March, a Democrat. That did not bother state GOP chair Edward Cox but it did dismay some Republicans at the state party convention. They blocked Levy's bid.

But Lazio's troubles are far from over. Now he faces another Republican challenger: Buffalo multimillionaire Carl Paladino who has assumed the Tea Party mantle.

Both Lazio and Paladino have spent a sizable chunk of their campaign assailing the proposed Islamic center near Ground Zero. Lazio's web site does not have the customary rundown of his stands on various issues but on its home page features both a petition calling on Attorney General Andrew Cuomo (the Democratic gubernatorial candidate) to investigate the mosque and a letter to Cuomo challenging him to a debate about the Islamic center.

For his part, Paladino has called for the state to seize the land intended for the Islamic center under eminent domain, a stand that according to the Wall Street Journal, dismays some Tea Party adherents who oppose eminent domain even more than they dislike the mosque.

The primary race for governor is reflected in a contest for lieutenant governor. Lazio's pick, Chautauqua County Executive Greg Edwards, will face off against Paladino's choice, former New York City Councilmember and frequent Republican candidate Thomas Ognibene.

Lazio also faces a challenge to his bid for the Conservative Party nomination, this one from West Seneca attorney Ralph Lorigo. Lorigo accuses Lazio of being "a moderate Republican," while he claims to hold "pro-life, pro-Second Amendment and traditional marriage views."

Whoever emerges after all this, will face daunting odds in the race against Andrew Cuomo and running mate Robert Duffy in November.

The Attorney General Race

For Democrats this year, the marquee race involves state attorney general. Five Democrats have debated their way across the state, leafleting, robocalling and buying ad time, all in an effort to win Cuomo's job. With none of the candidates having much of a statewide profile before the campaign began -- and with little indication the voters have focused on them -- the race, most observers believe, remains up for grabs.

(For more on the race for attorney general, see Attorney General Candidates Struggle to Break Away from the Pack and Can the Next Attorney General Fix Albany?.)

Whoever emerges triumphant will go on to face Staten Island District Attorney Daniel Donovan in November. Donovan has two things going for him: He does not have a primary, and he has support from Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who's already given him $37,800 and can, of course, afford to give a lot more.

Neither Cuomo nor his lieutenant governor pick, Duffy, face a primary challenger.

And no Democrat signed on to challenge State Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli, a former state legislator from Long Island who was appointed to the job after Alan Hevesi resigned. DiNapoli's general election opponent, Harry Wilson, who worked in finance, also has no primary.

Anger and Issues in the Bronx's 76th Assembly District


BX
Photo (cc) Sam Galison. A street in Parkchester in the 76th district.

"Gary, I guess this is a shouting match! I am not going to engage in a shouting match! I'm not going to engage in a shouting match," shouted Assemblyman Peter Rivera during a debate last week on Bronx Talk, hosted by Gary Axelbank.

Rivera’s Democratic opponent, Luis Sepulveda, an attorney who has worked for Sens. Ruben Diaz and Pedro Espadaand has experience in constituent services, continued to speak over Rivera, asking him about using campaign money for vehicles and about contributions he has received from insurance and pharmaceutical companies, all while smiling broadly.

Rivera responded by referring to his various Assembly appointments and to his position as fourth in line for the governorship as speaker pro tem of the Assembly. Sepulveda attacked Rivera for at one time owning a business that brought "seedy clubs" into the district. "That's the kind of campaign he is gonna run," retorted Rivera. "Dirt, dirt, dirt!" Later he called Sepulveda a jerk.

So far, the campaign for the Assembly District, which includes West Farms, Parkchester, Van Nest and Castle Hill in the Bronx, has not been particularly substantive. Axelbank, who is host of Bronx Talk, said the August 9 debate left him wanting real substance. "I think Louis is a fierce challenger and legitimate opponent. But I think he had a real chance to address Peter Rivera's record, and I think there are some real holes there. But he didn't take advantage. People didn't like how they both came off."

Let the Accusations Fly

Campaign

If you listen to Sepulveda, Rivera is a typical corrupt career politician who has "advanced his own standing while being neglectful of his district." Notoriously, Rivera has been cited in a number of reports for having spent $54,000 worth of campaign funds on a Mercedes. That is not illegal, but Sepulveda wonders why Rivera couldn't have spent the money on something more practical, "like a Toyota or a Hyundai." Sepulveda has sent out mailers attacking Rivera on the issue. Rivera says that he travels all over the state and country in his work as a member of many national organizations and state committees. He says he has spent a lot of money on transportation over his 18 years as an elected official.

Sepulveda also says that Rivera has taken a large amount of campaign contributions from the insurance and pharmaceutical industries, and he stood in the way of the creation of a preferred prescription drug list for Medicaid. That list is used in other states to drive down costs and pressure pharmaceutical companies to lower their prices if they want Medicaid to pay for their drugs. Rivera told the New York Times in 2006 that his opposition was not based on donations he had received. "I am not doing this because I am in the pocket of the pharmaceutical companies,'' he told the Times, explaining that he didn't want to limit the kinds of drugs the poor have access to. ''I am doing this because it's the right thing. The governor is trying to balance the budget on the backs of poor people."

According to Rivera, Sepulveda "is the alter ego of Senator Ruben Diaz." He says Sepulveda was the only man Diaz could find to run against him and is doing it to send a message. "What's the message?" asks Rivera. "Either play ball or get out of this district!"

"He isn't saying, “Vote for me because I am the most qualified candidate.’ He is saying, ‘Don't vote for Peter Rivera.'"

Rivera insists that despite his relationship with Diaz he started the campaign on his own and won Diaz's support through his hard work.

"There are some cynics who say I was put up by the senator," said Sepulveda, "but neither the senator nor chairman Carl Heastie knew I was going to run. I worked hard, and now I have the senator's support."

Photo (cc) Luis Sepulveda

Sepulveda says he knocked on his first door on February 28, and has since knocked on 18,239 doors. He says his support in the community is growing in part because he has targeted traditionally ignored voting blocks like the district's Bangladeshi community.

"When I first started, Rivera called me a lightweight, a trial balloon, but I think things have changed," he said.

During a recent campaign outing with Diaz and Sepulveda, Diaz said that even if Sepulveda did not win he would be happy to "send a message."

"Friends ask, 'Why is he being so negative,'" said Rivera. "If you say 20 years of service is a waste of time you better be able to explain why."

Diaz himself is challenging Ken Padilla for his position as the leader of the 76th Assembly District. Padilla said Diaz's challenge to him and Sepulveda's run against Rivera are similar. "The senator put someone up against Peter Rivera--his counsel [Sepulveda]--to say this is what happens if you don't play ball: we will replace you."

Hot Button

One major source of contention in the race is Sepulveda's stance on gay marriage. During the debate on the 9th he said he would want to see the legislation before he voted on it. Rivera countered that the legislation has been the same year after year.

Rivera
Photo (cc) Assemblymember Peter Rivera

Sepulveda did not exactly make his stance any clearer during an interview with Gotham Gazette.

"What I've told people is I am not going to take a position on that until I see the legislation," said Sepulveda. I did not like the shape it took last time."

When asked what he didn't like about the legislation that came to a vote last year, he didn't elaborate. "I would prefer if they took it to a referendum," he said. "I am not going to say I am against gay marriage. I have a brother who is gay, so I understand the issue.

But I think it would be more productive if they brought it to a referendum."

He explained that he didn’t think the "the way activists have been going about this" has been helping. "You can't force the issue down the throats of the conservatives

and evangelicals," he concluded. Rivera supporters point to his Sepulveda's undefined stance on gay marriage as proof that he is beholden to Diaz who has lead a crusade against same-sex marriage.

Rivera voted in favor of same-sex marriage and says he would do it again.

Helping the District

When asked what he thought the main issues are for the district, Rivera wasn't very specific. "The people of the district will find out what the issues are in the coming days," he said. He put blame on legislative inaction on the senate, saying the senate should get the blame not the "legislature."

Rivera too didn't offer many particulars when asked what he would like to see approved in Albany to benefit his district. "There is a whole lot of stuff I would like to see passed. We didn't do power for jobs. It is simple things like that."

Sepulveda explained that the district is so diverse that each neighborhood has a number of issues that need to be addressed. One major goal would be to restore the number 14 bus, which runs from Country Club to Parkchester. He would like to see the area around the Bronx Zoo cleaned up. Multilingual education and public safety are also on his mind. He says that, with Diaz, he has drawn up legislation that would mirror the prescription drug plan currently used in Schenectady County. That plan allows residents to present a card to get discounts on pharmaceuticals. The plan has helped seniors bridge the gap between their Medicare coverage and the price of the pharmaceuticals.

And in another dig at Rivera, Sepulveda says he would immediately sponsor legislation that would require campaign finance funds to be "spent only on campaign related costs."

For his part, Rivera clearly thinks his real opponent is Diaz. He said Diaz is definitely trying to tell him to get in line and play ball with him. "Taking orders--that is not a distinguishing characteristic of a good leader. Playing ball is not good leadership," he said.

Diaz Faces Rare Challenge in the Bronx


Photo (cc) David King

On the bed of a white pickup truck stands a man in a pearl cowboy hat and white Western-style shirt. The stitched red lettering on its back reads, "Senador Ruben Diaz." Techno music blasts from loudspeakers mounted on top of the pickup, accompanied by a voice reminding people to "Votar, votar, votar!" on Sept. 14. It is July 31st --there are 45 days to the primary.

The message cycles from Spanish to English. Four vans trail behind the pickup, some emblazoned with: "Vote Ruben Diaz. A True Democrat. !Nuestro Lider!" Traffic snarls as the 67-year-old Diaz orders the caravan to a halt. "Lets go!" he says, launching himself out of the back of the bed.

And go he must.

This year, Sen. Ruben Diaz is facing a rare primary challenge from a young community organizer, Charlie Ramos. Despite the many issues that face the people of the Bronx, the race has been focused on same-sex marriage -- which Diaz staunchly opposes.

Now Fight Back NY, a political action committee targeting senators who voted against legalizing gay marriage in New York, announced it is interested in the race. The group is looking to dig up dirt on Diaz.

Diaz says he isn't concerned.

"The people of my district are very smart people," Diaz said, who has held his seat since 2002. "They aren't going to change senators from one who brings them housing and resources for a person who is just going to bring them gay marriage. It is stupid. What they are doing is making me stronger."

He has "strength," an "army."

"Come to my church on Saturday," he said. "You will see."

Two Kinds of Politics

The Democratic primary for the Bronx's 32nd senate district is a battle between old politics and new, the new techniques of targeting and outreach versus one on one old-fashioned street events and handshakes.

Diaz's challenger, Ramos, is no stranger to politics. He has organized grassroots campaigns in New York and across the country. Most recently he was the Bronx liaison to former City Comptroller William Thompson during his unsuccessful run for mayor last year.

But during the last week in July and early August Ramos has not been on the campaign trail. Instead his time has been spent at the Board of Elections offices in Manhattan and the Bronx and in court. Diaz's camp is trying to knock Ramos off the ballot by claiming a number of his signatures are invalid. Meanwhile, Ramos has mounted his own challenge, alleging that the man in charge of organizing Diaz's campaign is not a citizen and yet has voted in several elections. Ramos said that would constitute fraud and hopes it would invalidate Diaz's signatures.

Diaz said he can withstand any challenge. "I had most signatures in the state except for Cuomo. They are not going to be invalid," he said.

The challenges have taken a toll on Ramos. "You spend so much time tied up at the Board of Elections, and you end up only having three weeks to run." Ramos said once things are settled in court he will hit the train stations in the morning and senior citizen centers for lunch and the train stations again for rush hour.

Why is Ramos running? He said he would like to provide an alternative for voters who have had a "limited menu" and offer an option for people who support gay marriage and a woman's right to choose.

Charlie Ramos

He also thinks the district needs more jobs and better schools. He is looking into the idea of creating duty free zones in Hunts Point and would like to teach kids in Bronx schools how to organize campaigns, run for office and navigate the kind of legal challenges he is facing.

"We aren't bringing up the next generation of leadership in the Bronx. I want to help cultivate that," says Ramos. "I want to try to enfranchise voters. Only a small percentage of the district votes. If we could get more people, out victory would be easy."

As of July 1, Diaz had $163,100 on hand for the race. Ramos estimates he has about $6,000. Ramos relies on small contributions of $50 to $75, a good percentage of which have come from across the country. He says his backing for same-sex marriage -- and Diaz's fervent opposition to it -- has given him support from outside the state. Diaz has received large contributions, in the thousands of dollars, from businesses, industry groups and political action committees.

On the Road with Diaz

On a Saturday late last month, it is a party wherever Diaz goes in the Bronx. He shakes his hips to salsa music, blows and or applies kisses to all the women he encounters and poses for pictures. Three times during the sweltering afternoon Diaz orders the caravan to circle the street while he squeezes the hands of community members at block parties sponsored by him and his son, Bronx Borough President Ruben Diaz Jr.

Senator Ruben Diaz

Big white banners with blue and red lettering wave over the streets. On one block the sign reads, "Sponsored by Christian Community Benevolent Assoc. Inc. Hon. Rev Ruben Diaz Hon. Ruben Diaz Jr., Hon. Marcos Crespo." There are hot dogs, chicken and rice, burgers, soda, bouncy ball rides for kids. Staffers guide Diaz toward outstretched hands.

Despite all the activity, Diaz insists he is less than concerned about his challenger. "This is a good way to get out and talk to the people," he says.

Diaz is running with Albany dysfunction as a backdrop -- and some of the blame is aimed directly at the four-term senator. He is one of the "four amigos" who held out for rewards from the Democrats in exchange for supporting Sen. Malcolm Smith as majority leader in the winter of 2008. It has been reported that Diaz asked Smith to promise he would not allow same-sex marriage to come to a vote. Diaz proudly says that he "only asked for one thing. I asked for no gay marriage."

Diaz cares little about the effect his actions might have had on the Democratic majority. "The Democrats are hurting housing, education, health care. For years the Democrats blamed Republicans, but it is time to stop blaming Republicans. It is time to blame the Democrats. The Democratic party is doing this to blacks and Latino," said Diaz.

Blurring the Boundaries

Ramos, though, believes Diaz is one of the major offenders. "I think he has been part of the problem. He has been obsessed with blocking gay marriage when there are a host of issues that have not been addressed," Ramos said

"Diaz has no problem blurring the lines between the work of his ministry and his political work," says Gary Axelbank, the host of BronxTalk. Axelbank says the borough's issues are fairly clear: unemployment, health care, housing and schools. He said, though, that Diaz probably would put gay marriage and abortion on the top of his list despite all the problems the district faces. He blends his role as a man of faith with his political life. In fact, on Saturday Diaz, in his cowboy hat, musters his campaign vehicles out of his church's parking lot, where they had been corralled. There is no separation between his campaign and his church.

A Split on Marriage

On the previous Friday afternoon, at the Manhattan Board of Elections, Ramos waited patiently for his case to be called. He says that despite gaining multiple endorsements from progressive groups and the LGBT community, including the Empire State Pride Agenda, Pro-Choice NY and Democracy for NYC, he has had trouble drumming up support in the community. He says it’s because people are afraid to anger Diaz. "I'm going against the machine. Folks sit me down behind closed doors and say, 'I can't support you in public but I support you.' They don't want to do anything to upset the reverend or his son, the borough president." Ramos says he has "silent supporters."

It has been reported that Ramos wavered between a run against Diaz and a challenge to Bronx Assemblymember Marcos Crespo. Ramos says Diaz's stance on a number of issues made him decide to challenge the reverend. Diaz's vote against a bill that would have increased support for people with HIV was icing on the cake, said Ramos. "I have family members who have died of the disease, so it's close to me."

Crespo, who was campaigning with Diaz on the Saturday in July, said that he thinks Ramos chose to challenge Diaz because he knew he would be able to raise money through the LGBT community.

Ramos says he appreciates support from the Fight Back New York PAC but he doesn't exactly coordinate with them -- that would be illegal. And it isn't exactly clear that that PAC is going to do anything besides "hire expert political researchers to find every piece of information we can on Ruben Diaz."

"There are enough progressive people who care about gay marriage and reproductive rights to unseat Diaz," said Axelbank. "It is just about having the kind of candidate with the resources. They need to reach them all."

As the day goes on, Diaz's pace begins to slow. He sips water and sits on a curb to eat some rice and chicken. A few children splash about in the puddles next to him. When he rises, he finally begins to open up about the race and his feelings on gay marriage.

"I have an army," he says. "I got 40,000 people to show up in front of Paterson's office on a Sunday. Who else can do that? Barack Obama, that's who -- or at least he could have. Probably not anymore. They took a stand against gay marriage."

Diaz looks around at the street, at the children playing in the spraying water of an open hydrant, at the families gathered around small grills.

"Do they want housing or do they want gay marriage?" he asks. "Fight Back is using Ruben Diaz statewide to raise money. It is a nice way to raise money for them, but not for Charlie. They don't care about Charlie. Charlie is no one."

Diaz says that many groups and candidates have tried to raise money off his opposition to gay marriage. "They should thank me, because without me they can't raise money. When I quit," Diaz says, then corrects himself, "When I am no longer there, they will have no way to raise money."

The tactic does not make sense, he said, "to come here to the Bronx and use gay marriage in the Latino community. That is stupid."

Helping the Community

Diaz finally has had enough. The caravan wings its way back to his church on Longfellow Avenue. The drivers navigate the narrow streets with double parked cars on both sides.

Diaz sees a small woman standing on the street near the corner of Bryant and 172nd Street. He does his signature double arm point and flashes a wide smile. The woman smiles back and holds up a jack and tire iron; she wants help. The caravan continues on its way, Diaz continues to smile and point, the music blares. Diaz's voice blazes out of the speakers on his truck and the van behind him, though not in sync. "Este reverendo y el senador Rubén Díaz," spews from the loudspeaker and echoes off the walls. "Votar, votar, votar," blasts from one of the vans.

The woman stops looking at Diaz and waits for the caravan to pass so she can safely change the tire. Diaz continues on, smiling.

On Wednesday August 5, Ramos calls to talk about the last few days he has spent in court. He is on his way to a rally to celebrate a judge's ruling that has temporarily struck down Proposition 8 banning same sex marriage in California. He seems slightly optimistic, slightly wary and tired. He says his court challenge to Diaz's signatures "is a bit of a long shot."

"They don't want me on the ballot," Ramos said, "because they don't want people to have options. If I run and get 40 percent of the vote, if all the people who don't like how he behaves vote for me, it would show that he is vulnerable."

If people in the district had an option, he said, they might begin to see that there is an alternative to the way Diaz conducts himself, an alternative to Diaz's combination of belief and politics.

On Thursday Ramos finds out that a judge will likely soon rule that he has enough petitions to be on the ballot. He decides to abandon his fraud charges against Diaz so that he can get out of the court room and have more time to actually campaign.



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